Lindsay Rudge PhD Thesis - University of St Andrews

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independence of the monastery of Holy Cross, in Poitiers. 153 Following an introductory clause that ‘no-one should unjustly oppress or condemn’ the nuns of Holy Cross, Pippin decreed that there should never be more than a hundred nuns in the community, or more than thirty clerici to serve them. 154 Times had changed since the late sixth century, when Gregory of Tours recorded two hundred nuns at the time of Radegund’s funeral. 155 While Pippin’s capitulary may reflect new concerns over the monastery’s ability to support such numbers of dedicated religious, the article dealing with the clerics proceeds to speak more to issues of authority within the community. In it, the clerics are firmly reminded that they are there as the servants of the female community. 156 Indeed, for the later Carolingians, Holy Cross continued to be important. Its status as a ‘royal’ monastery perhaps made it the obvious choice for a place of custody when the sons of Louis the Pious, Lothar of Italy and Pippin of Aquitaine, revolted against their father and needed a prison for their stepmother Judith. 157 Lothar and Pippin even went as far as having Judith veiled, perhaps in an attempt to make her sudden status as a nun more binding and her status as Empress less potentially dangerous. In the event, Louis regained his authority in a matter of months. Despite this, Judith remained at Holy Cross for some time, returning to court in 831 to purge herself of the charges levelled against her during the revolt. 158 Monasteries retained the same functions in the wider political world, and were subject to the same pressures and support, as they always had been. Female communities continued to be absorbed by intellectual and theological debates. Paschasius Radbertus dedicated his treatise De partu virginis, defending the 153 MGH Capit. I, 302. 154 Cans. VI (nuns) and VII (clerics). 155 Gregory of Tours, Liber in gloria confessorum 104, MGH SSRM I:II, 814-6. 156 Can. VII: Ut omnino provideatur ne clericorum numerus plus quam XXX augeatur; et ipsi per omnia ad dictam congregationem sancte cruce honeste et perfecte obedientes sint atque subiecti. 157 Annals of St-Bertin, in G. Waitz (ed.), MGH SS Rer. Germ. V. See now the new translation by Janet L. Nelson, The Annals of St-Bertin (Manchester, 1991), s.a. 830; Thegan, Gesta Hludowici imperatoris, cap.36; Astronomus, Vita Hludowici imperatoris, caps. 43-5, both ed. E. Tremp in MGH SS Rer. Germ., 64. 158 On Judith, see E. Ward, ‘Caesar’s wife: the career of the Empress Judith, 819-829’ in P. Godman and R. Collins (eds.) Charlemagne’s Heir. New Perspectives on the Reign of Louis the Pious (814-840) (Oxford, 1990) 202-227, and eadem, ‘Agobard of Lyons and Paschasius Radbertus as critics of the empress Judith’, SCH 27 (1990) 15-25. 251
perpetual virginity of Mary at the moment of Christ’s birth, to the nuns of Soissons, who had asked for his opinion on the matter. 159 Paschasius, abbot of Corbie, was born c.790 and given as an infant to the monastery of Saint-Marie in Soissons. The abbess was Theodrada, a cousin of Charlemagne and the sister of Adalhard and Wala of Corbie, who were also in turn abbots of Corbie, in 780-815 and 826-835 respectively. Female communities were as well-connected as they had even been. In terms of the impact of the reforming councils and texts of 813-819, little direct evidence remains. Even for a community at the heart of Benedict of Aniane’s ‘reformed’ monasteries, a female community appears to have been founded along the same only semi-formal structures as those in previous centuries. William, the second count of Toulouse, later celebrated in poems as one of Charlemagne’s most steadfast followers, decided to retire to a monastery. 160 The monastery of Gellone, founded in 804, was placed under the authority of Benedict’s community at Aniane, marked by William’s acceptance of the habit there. 161 According to William’s vita, William’s sisters Abbana and Bertana gained permission to accompany him to Gellone and dedicate themselves to God at the same time. 162 The vita gives no further details on the women’s subsequent residence, although Verdon suggests that they inhabited a small house near to the monastery which in its turn became a community of nuns. 163 This was still not the monastic landscape that Louis and Benedict appear to have envisaged, where women were expected to join existing monasteries rather than set up smaller institutions of their own. A much later piece of evidence indicates that a typology of women’s communities was still not particularly important in law. Charles the Bald’s (840-77) Capitulare missorum Suessionense of 853 orders a count to be made of all dedicated religious in his 159 Paschasius Radbertus, De partu Virginis, ed. E.A. Matter CCCM 56C (Turnhout, 1985), 11. 160 J.M. Ferrante (ed.), Guillaume d'Orange : four twelfth-century epics (New York, 1991). 161 The vita Willelmi and his charters of donation to Gellone, now Saint-Guilhem-le-Désert, are in AASS, May 26, cols. 811-822. For the connection to Aniane and further bibliography, see P. Bonnerue Benedicti Anianensis Concordia Regularum CCCM 168 (Turnhout, 1999), 42-3. 162 Vita Willelmi 11, AASS, May 26, col. 813. 163 J. Verdon ‘Recherches sur les monastères féminins dans la France du sud aux IXe – XIe siècles’ Annales du Midi 88 (1976) 117-138, at 128. 252
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ABSTRACT The history of western mon
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COPYRIGHT In submitting this thesis
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS An extended projec
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ILCV E. Diehl (ed.) Inscriptiones L
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INTRODUCTION In 1942, Dom Philibert
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of women’s dedicated life have ne
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(506), Arles (524), Carpentras (527
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does not attempt to discuss the ent
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victory at the battle of Tertry in
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history at that time. However, Wemp
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of involvement in religious life, h
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out, the history of monasticism has
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virginum and Vereor, in the collect
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Caesarius by commissioning his vita
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These problems of interpretation ar
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text of the Regula virginum was com
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Dedicated virgins also appear in no
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lifestyles. Canon XXVII, which proh
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way of life she had chosen, or may
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context, suggests the closeness bet
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abbot, ‘filling the role of spiri
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without learning walks in the shado
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The abbess Caesaria and the foundat
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form of monastic life for women and
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Cæsarii monitis luci sociata peren
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known as St Césaire. This suggeste
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and overturned by savage barbarians
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would not have contemplated writing
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the life she probably already led.
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1-47; the Recapitulatio, chapters 4
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island of Lérins. On leaving home
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the festival of St Genesius of Arle
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consideration, and aspiration can b
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which, as we have seen, allowed for
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Aspects of the Recapitulatio emphas
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Conclusion This chapter has located
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seventh centuries, there was theref
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Of particular interest to the prese
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Benedict was making his collection,
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first of September; on Mondays, Wed
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IN PACE REQVI T . BONAE . M DIVS N
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The early part of Teridius’ lette
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transmission of the rule from one m
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This is apparent, not only in Caesa
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ecords that ‘she [Radegund] and t
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ore the holy body with psalms benea
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instigation of her successor Celsa.
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of Caesarius, although there is no
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other abbess. 122 Florentius, writi
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these rules survive only through th
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in Arles that abbess Caesaria commi
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poison of the devil’. 152 Aurelia
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virginum had penetrated as far as t
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knowledge of its requirements (Regu
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about his mother’s community. Ano
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monk’s relationship with God, or
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Dedicated life in the seventh centu
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Although Jonas sought to present Co
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Barisis. 210 Neither were kings the
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of Eboriac in fact provides one of
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indeed have been a fairly common si
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particular virtue or practice of mo
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would soon be separated from the li
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CHAPTER 3 The Manuscript Caesarius:
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either the list from Fulda is evide
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appended their signatures to the Re
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The question that presents itself i
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the greater part of the conclusion
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the bishop’s family. 36 Other pos
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permission, she went to Trier where
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Vereor circulated as part of a ‘p
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ff. 36-40v ? 60 ff. 40v-44v Ambrose
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ff. 79-81 Columbanus Qualiter monac
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The Vatican manuscript is evidently
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Incipit: Sacrilegis monachis emptor
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whether any given section was or wa
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contains a number of shorter pieces
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evealing. It suggests that this col
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Caesarian text package booklet x ge
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stood with regard to the ownership
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the Preface to his ‘book of spark
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Caesarius’ sermons) and includes
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that the subject matter of the manu
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his apparently personal letter of g
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with matters affecting the monaster
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CHAPTER 4 Dedicated Women, Monaster
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more fully. In particular, the cont
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to ‘nonnae velatae’, who in add
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appears not to have played so large
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personne, does not include ‘Mumle
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foundress of Oeren. 39 She had seve
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his wife Reine (Regina?), a relativ
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field. 60 Without adequate defence
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Leoba. 65 A third was the double ho
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through a window and only from ther
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turmoil... and the chain of innumer
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more personal level, Leoba credited
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written sometime before 738, Bonifa
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occasioned Boniface’s reply on th
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Page 203 and 204: Carloman. 118 Carloman was later to
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Page 207 and 208: with Neustrian and Austrasian-based
Page 209 and 210: As Claussen notes, this sermon typi
Page 211 and 212: abbesses, abbots appear to have had
Page 213 and 214: which saw changes - the composition
Page 215 and 216: By any standards, however, the degr
Page 217 and 218: law: all men (and in this case, wom
Page 219 and 220: indicators of a loss of the abbess
Page 221 and 222: and bear in mind the joys fitting f
Page 223 and 224: Legislation for dedicated women: th
Page 225 and 226: of the council of Tours cannot but
Page 227 and 228: ‘sanctimoniales…quae se canonic
Page 229 and 230: stringent monastic life than that o
Page 231 and 232: in the reform of the monastery. 67
Page 233 and 234: made his collection with the purpos
Page 235 and 236: intended would be used to guide and
Page 237 and 238: thought and purity of heart. 91 Cha
Page 239 and 240: circumstantial evidence. 98 Similar
Page 241 and 242: all religious women together and di
Page 243 and 244: into the depths of hell’. 114 Mos
Page 245 and 246: primarily intended for canonesses.
Page 247 and 248: Emmeram in Regensburg, 131 and the
Page 249 and 250: Immena’s monastery should exist a
Page 251: canonical lives: ‘utrum canonicam
Page 255 and 256: patterns to follow that living acco
Page 257 and 258: The reforming activities of Benedic
Page 259 and 260: This way of approaching the textual
Page 261 and 262: Manuscripts consulted BIBLIOGRAPHY
Page 263 and 264: Caesarius of Arles, Sermones. Ed. G
Page 265 and 266: Gregory of Tours, Liber vitae patru
Page 267 and 268: Victricius of Rouen, De laude sanct
Page 269 and 270: Claussen M.A., The Reform of the Fr
Page 271 and 272: Guyon J. and Heijmans M. (eds.), D
Page 273 and 274: Lerner G., ‘Placing women in hist
Page 275 and 276: McNamara J.A., ‘A legacy of mirac
Page 277 and 278: Rapp C., ‘”For next to God, you
Page 279 and 280: Smith J.A., Ordering Women’s Live
Page 281: Werminghoff A., ‘Die Beschlüsse
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Lindsay Rudge PhD Thesis - University of St Andrews

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