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Lindsay Rudge PhD Thesis - University of St Andrews

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may have desired his reforms to take effect throughout Francia, his reach did not extend<br />

far beyond the territories in which he was undertaking missionary activity. In addition,<br />

Boniface’s implicit (and not so implicit) criticism <strong>of</strong> the existing episcopate doubtless<br />

deepened their resistance both to self-reform and the reform <strong>of</strong> those they were<br />

responsible for. 130 As Robert Markus has shown, Boniface could only interact with the<br />

existing Frankish church as an outsider. 131 Moreover, it is easy to overestimate<br />

Boniface’s importance by virtue <strong>of</strong> the survival <strong>of</strong> the large amounts <strong>of</strong> documentation<br />

accompanying his mission: letters, councils, and <strong>of</strong> course his vita. Other figures – such<br />

as Emmeram, Rupert, Corbinian – undertook similar missionary activity which was<br />

recorded in vitae, but their actions were not reflected in conciliar activity. 132<br />

Here also the political structure <strong>of</strong> the Frankish territories must come into play.<br />

Although now a subject <strong>of</strong> some debate, the southern and western duchies <strong>of</strong> Francia –<br />

Aquitaine, Burgundy, and Provence – were semi-autonomous and had made concerted<br />

efforts to break away from the control <strong>of</strong> the Neustrian court. 133 Aquitaine had regained<br />

its independence under duke Hunald, after the death <strong>of</strong> Charles Martel, the father <strong>of</strong><br />

Carloman and Pippin. The brothers invaded in 742, but achieved little, and a treaty <strong>of</strong> 745<br />

acknowledged the re-emergence <strong>of</strong> the duchy. 134 Charles Martel had himself invaded<br />

Burgundy in 736, taking Lyon by force, following resentment at his redistribution <strong>of</strong><br />

lands and <strong>of</strong>fices to his own followers. 135 The following year, Charles and his brother<br />

Childebrand continued down the valley <strong>of</strong> the Rhône into Provence, controlled by duke<br />

Maurontus. Arab control <strong>of</strong> the region from the city <strong>of</strong> Narbonne may have provided a<br />

pretext for military intervention in the region. Two years later, in 739, Charles attacked<br />

duke Maurontus, sacking Avignon, and the duke fled. 136 Such a history <strong>of</strong> non-alignment<br />

130 R. Collins, Early Medieval Europe 2 nd Ed. (Basingstoke, 1999), 259.<br />

131 R.A. Markus ‘From Caesarius to Boniface’, 163.<br />

132 R. Collins, Early Medieval Europe, 260. See Arbeo <strong>of</strong> Freising, Vita Emmerammus, AASS Sept VI,<br />

474-84; for Rupert, see AASS Mart. III, 702-4; for Corbinian, see AASS Sept. III, 281-95.<br />

133 R. Collins Early Medieval Europe, 269-274. See also idem, ‘Pippin I and the Kingdom <strong>of</strong> Aquitaine’ in<br />

P. Godman and R. Collins (eds.) Charlemagne’s Heir: New Perspectives on the Reign <strong>of</strong> Louis the Pious<br />

(Oxford, 1990), 363-390.<br />

134 R. Collins Early Medieval Europe, 271-2. Described in the Continuations <strong>of</strong> the Chronicle <strong>of</strong> Fredegar,<br />

cap. 28, ed. and tr. J.M. Wallace-Hadrill (London, 1960).<br />

135 Continuations <strong>of</strong> the Chronicle <strong>of</strong> Fredegar, caps. 14 and 18.<br />

136 Continuations <strong>of</strong> the Chronicle <strong>of</strong> Fredegar, caps. 20 and 21.<br />

205

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