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Lindsay Rudge PhD Thesis - University of St Andrews

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these are the rules <strong>of</strong> Isidore <strong>of</strong> Seville and Fructuosus <strong>of</strong> Braga, which may be a<br />

reflection <strong>of</strong> Benedict’s Septimanian origins. 87 Perhaps revealingly, even the rule for<br />

monks <strong>of</strong> Aurelian, Caesarius’ successor to the see <strong>of</strong> Arles, and whose rule was largely<br />

based on those <strong>of</strong> Caesarius, is referred to more <strong>of</strong>ten than that <strong>of</strong> his model. 88 A number<br />

<strong>of</strong> explanations for this apparent lack <strong>of</strong> interest in the Regula virginum could be put<br />

forward. The most obvious is to view the texts in terms <strong>of</strong> gender, and see a general<br />

preference on the part <strong>of</strong> Benedict for rules written for men above those intended for<br />

women. In addition to the Caesarian material, only two texts written for women have<br />

been used in the Concordia. These two texts are referred to even less <strong>of</strong>ten than that <strong>of</strong><br />

Caesarius. 89 These are the rule <strong>of</strong> Donatus <strong>of</strong> Besançon, which was itself based on a<br />

combination <strong>of</strong> the Caesarian and Benedictine rules; and an extract from the Vita<br />

Columbani, which recounts miracles taking place at the female monastery <strong>of</strong><br />

Faremoutiers. This apparent oddity – a selection <strong>of</strong> miracles in the midst <strong>of</strong> a collection<br />

<strong>of</strong> regulae – serves to underline the normative aspects <strong>of</strong> these miracles (see above,<br />

Chapter Two, at 124 ff.). It further demonstrates once more the importance <strong>of</strong> non-<br />

regulae texts to guiding dedicated women, which here is given particular weight by the<br />

recognition by Benedict himself that such was the case.<br />

However, explaining this discrepancy between the numbers <strong>of</strong> texts aimed at men<br />

and women along gendered lines is less than convincing. Two <strong>of</strong> the texts for women<br />

which are not used – the rules <strong>of</strong> Aurelian and Columbanus – have masculine<br />

counterparts, so what could be seen as ignoring much <strong>of</strong> the female-oriented material<br />

may simply be a wish to avoid duplication. More importantly, Benedict took the<br />

opportunity in the Concordia to include more <strong>of</strong> the body <strong>of</strong> material originating from<br />

Arles than had found space in the Codex. The first <strong>of</strong> these additional items, credited here<br />

and generally known in the ninth century as a ‘letter <strong>of</strong> saint Caesarius’, is actually the<br />

letter <strong>of</strong> his nephew Teridius to the second abbess Caesaria. 90 Perhaps more significant is<br />

Benedict’s use <strong>of</strong> the three brief pieces <strong>of</strong> writing by the same abbess Caesaria on prayer,<br />

87 Isidore’s Regula (PL 103, 553-572) is used in 37 chapters; that <strong>of</strong> Fructuosus (PL 87, 1099-1110) in 41.<br />

88 The regula Aureliani (PL 68, 395-406) is used in 25 chapters.<br />

89 The rule <strong>of</strong> Donatus is used in caps. 36, 4; 15, 10; 9, 10; 61, 14; the miracles <strong>of</strong> Eboriac are at 15, 12.<br />

90 Vatican, Bibl. Apost., ms Reg. 140 (s.IX) also attributes this to Caesarius, suggesting a widespread belief<br />

in his authorship.<br />

235

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