Lindsay Rudge PhD Thesis - University of St Andrews

More documents

Recommendations

Info

[…] 23 N : 24 AN : NO : XX […] 25 RE […] NAN : TE K : […]O : LO : RE : GE […..] 26 R[…] : VIIII : KL : IVNS : SIC : FUID : MVMLE : NAV DO : DVOTA DE : FVCT : CV : IVS : […..] 27 P [….] CULUS : IC […] 28 […] 29 IES : CIT : REQVIES [………] VS : IN : P […] 30 The editors of the Corpus des inscriptions de la France médiévale supply the following restitutions: [I]N : AN : NO : XX […]RE [G] NAN : TE K : [R]O : LO : RE : GE [FRANCO]R[VM] : VIIII : K[A]L[ENDAS] : IVN[IA]S : SIC : FUID : MVMLE : NAV D[E]O : D[E]VOTA DE : FV[N]CT[A] : CV : IVS : [COR]P[US]CULUS : IC [QV]IES : CIT : REQVIES [CAT ANIMA EI]VS : IN : P[ACE] (In the twenty… year of the reign of Charles, king of the Franks, the ninth of the calends of June [24 th May], Mumlenau, a woman devoted to God, died. Her humble body rests here. May her soul rest in peace.) Favreau and Michaud note the Merovingian characteristics of the letterforms, and the use of the contraction ‘Krolo’ for Karolo/ Carolo, which is also found on another Carolingian inscription from Poitiers. 31 Taking into account the letterforms, they suggest that this is a reference to Charlemagne rather than Charles the Bald. 32 The existence of this inscription also indicates that the community was back in Poitiers at least by the end of the eighth century. Tracing the name Mumlenau may also provide some indication as to the origins or background of the woman herself. Although Morlet, in Les noms de 23 This section is missing. 24 The use of the colon indicates a vertical row of three puncta. 25 The stone is broken in the middle here. 26 The broken middle section. 27 The broken middle section. 28 The end of this line has been broken off. 29 The bottom left hand corner has broken off. 30 The bottom right hand corner has broken off. 31 Favreau and Michaud (eds.) Corpus des inscriptions, 116. 32 Ibid, 116. 179
personne, does not include ‘Mumlenau’ itself, she does list ‘Mumma’, ‘Momola’, ‘Mummolus’ and ‘Mummolenus’. 33 From this, Favreau and Michaud deduce a Germanic origin for the name, which seems a reasonable supposition. Magnou-Nortier suggests further reasons for the apparent lack of enthusiasm for founding religious communities. Firstly, Roman law specified that women could not formally dedicate themselves until they were aged forty, and she suggests that the stronger hold of Roman laws and customs in the south meant that women would be likely to adhere to such a regulation. 34 However, this argument is difficult to sustain given that one of the most famous abbesses in the south, Rusticula of St John, entered the community as a child and became abbess at the age of eighteen, and this, even in the seventh century. 35 She further suggests that it would have been very much harder to hold out against family pressure to marry until the age of forty. Strong family bonds further ensured that women were not so able or willing to leave their parental households, with the result that women from southern Gaul tended to stay much closer to their families and adopt lives as informal Deo devotae within their own family households. 36 It is evident, however, that Magnou-Nortier’s definition of what constituted a religious community is a fairly narrow one; she is interested only in those sizeable communities for which good evidence of a formal date of foundation exists. This must be the reason for her apparently contradictory conclusions with regard to southern families, in that they both discouraged and encouraged their daughters to dedicate themselves to God. Large-scale formal foundations were discouraged; informal dedication within family networks was encouraged. Even then, however, the earliest and only example that Magnou-Nortier can put forward is that of Emenana (Immena), placed at the head of a foundation made by her parents for the good of their souls, in 823. 37 With the exception of foundations such as 33 M-T. Morlet Les noms de personne sur le territoire de l'ancienne Gaule du VIe au XIIe siècle 3 vols. (Paris, 1968-) I, 121. 34 Magnou-Nortier, ‘Formes féminins de vie consacrée’, 201. 35 See Chapter Two, 94-5. 36 Magnou-Nortier, ‘Formes féminins de vie consacrée’ 195, 201. 37 Magnou-Nortier, ‘Formes féminins de vie consacrée’ 204-5. For a much fuller discussion of the circumstances of Immena’s foundation and career, see J. Martindale, ‘The nun Immena and the foundation of the abbey of Beaulieu: a woman’s prospects in the Carolingian Church’ Studies in Church History 27 (1990) 27-42, and Chapter Five, below, 248-9. 180
Page 1 and 2:
;0>;9 ,5/ .65;0>;9 * =6405!9 /0/2.,
Page 3 and 4:
ABSTRACT The history of western mon
Page 5 and 6:
COPYRIGHT In submitting this thesis
Page 7 and 8:
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS An extended projec
Page 9 and 10:
ILCV E. Diehl (ed.) Inscriptiones L
Page 11 and 12:
INTRODUCTION In 1942, Dom Philibert
Page 13 and 14:
of women’s dedicated life have ne
Page 15 and 16:
(506), Arles (524), Carpentras (527
Page 17 and 18:
does not attempt to discuss the ent
Page 19 and 20:
victory at the battle of Tertry in
Page 21 and 22:
history at that time. However, Wemp
Page 23 and 24:
of involvement in religious life, h
Page 25 and 26:
out, the history of monasticism has
Page 27 and 28:
virginum and Vereor, in the collect
Page 29 and 30:
Caesarius by commissioning his vita
Page 31 and 32:
These problems of interpretation ar
Page 33 and 34:
text of the Regula virginum was com
Page 35 and 36:
Dedicated virgins also appear in no
Page 37 and 38:
lifestyles. Canon XXVII, which proh
Page 39 and 40:
way of life she had chosen, or may
Page 41 and 42:
context, suggests the closeness bet
Page 43 and 44:
abbot, ‘filling the role of spiri
Page 45 and 46:
without learning walks in the shado
Page 47 and 48:
The abbess Caesaria and the foundat
Page 49 and 50:
form of monastic life for women and
Page 51 and 52:
Cæsarii monitis luci sociata peren
Page 53 and 54:
known as St Césaire. This suggeste
Page 55 and 56:
and overturned by savage barbarians
Page 57 and 58:
would not have contemplated writing
Page 59 and 60:
the life she probably already led.
Page 61 and 62:
1-47; the Recapitulatio, chapters 4
Page 63 and 64:
island of Lérins. On leaving home
Page 65 and 66:
the festival of St Genesius of Arle
Page 67 and 68:
consideration, and aspiration can b
Page 69 and 70:
which, as we have seen, allowed for
Page 71 and 72:
Aspects of the Recapitulatio emphas
Page 73 and 74:
Conclusion This chapter has located
Page 75 and 76:
seventh centuries, there was theref
Page 77 and 78:
Of particular interest to the prese
Page 79 and 80:
Benedict was making his collection,
Page 81 and 82:
first of September; on Mondays, Wed
Page 83 and 84:
IN PACE REQVI T . BONAE . M DIVS N
Page 85 and 86:
The early part of Teridius’ lette
Page 87 and 88:
transmission of the rule from one m
Page 89 and 90:
This is apparent, not only in Caesa
Page 91 and 92:
ecords that ‘she [Radegund] and t
Page 93 and 94:
ore the holy body with psalms benea
Page 95 and 96:
instigation of her successor Celsa.
Page 97 and 98:
of Caesarius, although there is no
Page 99 and 100:
other abbess. 122 Florentius, writi
Page 101 and 102:
these rules survive only through th
Page 103 and 104:
in Arles that abbess Caesaria commi
Page 105 and 106:
poison of the devil’. 152 Aurelia
Page 107 and 108:
virginum had penetrated as far as t
Page 109 and 110:
knowledge of its requirements (Regu
Page 111 and 112:
about his mother’s community. Ano
Page 113 and 114:
monk’s relationship with God, or
Page 115 and 116:
Dedicated life in the seventh centu
Page 117 and 118:
Although Jonas sought to present Co
Page 119 and 120:
Barisis. 210 Neither were kings the
Page 121 and 122:
of Eboriac in fact provides one of
Page 123 and 124:
indeed have been a fairly common si
Page 125 and 126:
particular virtue or practice of mo
Page 127 and 128:
would soon be separated from the li
Page 129 and 130: CHAPTER 3 The Manuscript Caesarius:
Page 131 and 132: either the list from Fulda is evide
Page 133 and 134: appended their signatures to the Re
Page 135 and 136: The question that presents itself i
Page 137 and 138: the greater part of the conclusion
Page 139 and 140: the bishop’s family. 36 Other pos
Page 141 and 142: permission, she went to Trier where
Page 143 and 144: Vereor circulated as part of a ‘p
Page 145 and 146: ff. 36-40v ? 60 ff. 40v-44v Ambrose
Page 147 and 148: ff. 79-81 Columbanus Qualiter monac
Page 149 and 150: The Vatican manuscript is evidently
Page 151 and 152: Incipit: Sacrilegis monachis emptor
Page 153 and 154: whether any given section was or wa
Page 155 and 156: contains a number of shorter pieces
Page 157 and 158: evealing. It suggests that this col
Page 159 and 160: Caesarian text package booklet x ge
Page 161 and 162: stood with regard to the ownership
Page 163 and 164: the Preface to his ‘book of spark
Page 165 and 166: Caesarius’ sermons) and includes
Page 167 and 168: that the subject matter of the manu
Page 169 and 170: his apparently personal letter of g
Page 171 and 172: with matters affecting the monaster
Page 173 and 174: CHAPTER 4 Dedicated Women, Monaster
Page 175 and 176: more fully. In particular, the cont
Page 177 and 178: to ‘nonnae velatae’, who in add
Page 179: appears not to have played so large
Page 183 and 184: foundress of Oeren. 39 She had seve
Page 185 and 186: his wife Reine (Regina?), a relativ
Page 187 and 188: field. 60 Without adequate defence
Page 189 and 190: Leoba. 65 A third was the double ho
Page 191 and 192: through a window and only from ther
Page 193 and 194: turmoil... and the chain of innumer
Page 195 and 196: more personal level, Leoba credited
Page 197 and 198: written sometime before 738, Bonifa
Page 199 and 200: occasioned Boniface’s reply on th
Page 201 and 202: traveling, even if it is not record
Page 203 and 204: Carloman. 118 Carloman was later to
Page 205 and 206: continuing existence of individual
Page 207 and 208: with Neustrian and Austrasian-based
Page 209 and 210: As Claussen notes, this sermon typi
Page 211 and 212: abbesses, abbots appear to have had
Page 213 and 214: which saw changes - the composition
Page 215 and 216: By any standards, however, the degr
Page 217 and 218: law: all men (and in this case, wom
Page 219 and 220: indicators of a loss of the abbess
Page 221 and 222: and bear in mind the joys fitting f
Page 223 and 224: Legislation for dedicated women: th
Page 225 and 226: of the council of Tours cannot but
Page 227 and 228: ‘sanctimoniales…quae se canonic
Page 229 and 230: stringent monastic life than that o
Page 231 and 232:
in the reform of the monastery. 67
Page 233 and 234:
made his collection with the purpos
Page 235 and 236:
intended would be used to guide and
Page 237 and 238:
thought and purity of heart. 91 Cha
Page 239 and 240:
circumstantial evidence. 98 Similar
Page 241 and 242:
all religious women together and di
Page 243 and 244:
into the depths of hell’. 114 Mos
Page 245 and 246:
primarily intended for canonesses.
Page 247 and 248:
Emmeram in Regensburg, 131 and the
Page 249 and 250:
Immena’s monastery should exist a
Page 251 and 252:
canonical lives: ‘utrum canonicam
Page 253 and 254:
perpetual virginity of Mary at the
Page 255 and 256:
patterns to follow that living acco
Page 257 and 258:
The reforming activities of Benedic
Page 259 and 260:
This way of approaching the textual
Page 261 and 262:
Manuscripts consulted BIBLIOGRAPHY
Page 263 and 264:
Caesarius of Arles, Sermones. Ed. G
Page 265 and 266:
Gregory of Tours, Liber vitae patru
Page 267 and 268:
Victricius of Rouen, De laude sanct
Page 269 and 270:
Claussen M.A., The Reform of the Fr
Page 271 and 272:
Guyon J. and Heijmans M. (eds.), D
Page 273 and 274:
Lerner G., ‘Placing women in hist
Page 275 and 276:
McNamara J.A., ‘A legacy of mirac
Page 277 and 278:
Rapp C., ‘”For next to God, you
Page 279 and 280:
Smith J.A., Ordering Women’s Live
Page 281:
Werminghoff A., ‘Die Beschlüsse
show all

Lindsay Rudge PhD Thesis - University of St Andrews

You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles

Delete template?

Save as template?