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Lindsay Rudge PhD Thesis - University of St Andrews

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Although Jonas sought to present Columbanus’ foundation <strong>of</strong> Luxeuil as being<br />

made in an untapped wilderness (‘The place was only frequented by animals and wild<br />

beasts, a multitude <strong>of</strong> bears, buffalo and wolves’), it is likely that the site was in royal<br />

hands before this point. 201 Certainly the reworked seventh-century vita <strong>of</strong> Sadalberga, a<br />

later founder <strong>of</strong> a house following Columbanian practices, portrayed Luxueil as being<br />

founded ex munificentia Chilberti regis. 202 Even if the evidence <strong>of</strong> this vita were<br />

unreliable, the monastery would later be used by the king as ‘a high-status prison’, as in<br />

the crisis <strong>of</strong> 675 when Leodegar <strong>of</strong> Autun and Ebroin were imprisoned there. 203 As<br />

Wood further points out, Jonas himself suggests that the monastery was dependent on<br />

royal favour, in the dialogue he gives to Columbanus and the king Theudebert: ‘To this<br />

the king said: “If you want the gifts <strong>of</strong> our generosity and the support <strong>of</strong> our supplies, you<br />

will allow everyone access everywhere.” The man <strong>of</strong> God replied: “If you attempt to<br />

violate what has up to now been regulated by the reins <strong>of</strong> regular discipline, I will not be<br />

supported by your gifts and subsidies from now on… your kingdom will soon fall to its<br />

foundations and will be overwhelmed with the whole royal race”.’ 204 The very fact <strong>of</strong><br />

Jonas’ belittling <strong>of</strong> royal involvement with the foundation only serves to underline its<br />

importance. 205<br />

Columbanus represented something <strong>of</strong> a departure for monasticism in Gaul, as he<br />

made royally sponsored foundations that were not tied into any episcopal network <strong>of</strong><br />

christianisation or aristocratic family piety. Now, the essential landed property for the<br />

foundations was coming from royal and aristocratic rural holdings (Jonas’ ‘wilderness’<br />

may not have been near urban civilization, but was not without ownership) and not from<br />

201<br />

VCD I, 10.<br />

202<br />

Vita Sadalbergae 1 ed. B. Krusch, MGH SSRM V (Hanover, 1910). For discussion <strong>of</strong> the vita’s date,<br />

see C. Rohr, ‘Hagiographie als historische Quelle: Ereignisgeschichte und Wunderberichte in der Vita<br />

Columbani des Ionas von Bobbio’ MIÖG 103 (1995) 229-264, at 253. See also Wood, ‘Jonas, the<br />

Merovingians’, 6-110.<br />

203<br />

Passio Leodegarii I, 12-14, ed. B. Krusch, MGH SSRM V (Hanover, 1910). See also Wood, ‘Jonas, the<br />

Merovingians’, 107.<br />

204<br />

VCD I 19: ‘Ad haec rex: “Si,” inquid, “largitatis nostrae munera et solaminis supplimentum capere<br />

cupis, omnibus in locis omnium patebit introitus.” Vir Dei respondit : « Si, quod nunc usque sub regularis<br />

disciplinae abenis constrictum fuit violare conaris, nec tuis muneribus nec quibusque subsidiis me fore a te<br />

sustentaturum…. Cito tuum regnum funditus ruiturum et cum omni propagine regia dimersurum. »’<br />

Translation from Wood, ‘Jonas, the Merovingians’, 107-8.<br />

205<br />

Wood, ‘Jonas, the Merovingians’, 110.<br />

116

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