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Lenses and Waves

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62 CHAPTER 3<br />

Keplerian telescope is set equal to the doubled radius of its objective lens,<br />

which - correctly - implies that the focal distance of the objective is twice the<br />

radius of its convex side. Another table prescribed the size of the aperture<br />

for a given objective, in each case 1<br />

80<br />

th of the tube’s length. Bolantio<br />

explained that the objective should be partially covered by a ring so that no<br />

light fell on the interior of the tube, which apparently implied the ratio used<br />

in the table. 40 Whatever the dioptrical underst<strong>and</strong>ing implicit in Bolantio’s<br />

manuscript, it was presented in a procedural, how-to style that did not<br />

require further theoretical knowledge. 41<br />

Some telescope makers published their own observations, to promote<br />

their products. 42 They did not publish the secrets of their art, as their<br />

revenues depended on them. Information on the manufacture of lenses <strong>and</strong><br />

telescopes could be found in books that were mostly written by scholars.<br />

Examples are Telescopium (1618) by Girolamo Sirtori, Selenographia (1647) by<br />

Hevelius <strong>and</strong> La Dioptrique oculaire (1672) by Cherubin d’Orleans. In 1685,<br />

Huygens wrote a treatise on lens grinding in Dutch, Memorien aangaende het<br />

slijpen van glasen tot verrekijckers, published posthumously in Latin in the<br />

Opuscula posthuma (1703). 43 Memorien was the elaboration of notes like the one<br />

cited above. Huygens described the process of lens making as a set of<br />

directives, procedures, tips <strong>and</strong> tricks. No attempt is made to explain why<br />

things work as they work: for example a geometrical account of the grinding<br />

device is absent. Memorien supplied the kind of experiential knowledge also<br />

found in Bolantio’s manuscript: a description of skills Huygens had acquired<br />

through long-time practice.<br />

To what extent a telescope maker like Campani understood the dioptrics<br />

implicit in tables like those in Bolantio’s manuscript cannot be determined.<br />

First rank, specialized telescope makers like Divini <strong>and</strong> Campani had<br />

received some formal education, so they may have been able to read <strong>and</strong><br />

study a book like Dioptrice. It remains to be seen whether a question like this<br />

is relevant at all. I doubt whether dioptrical knowledge would have been of<br />

any use in the design <strong>and</strong> manufacture of telescopes. They knew very well<br />

the effect of diverse types of lenses, but this probably was experiential<br />

knowledge. Innovative craftsmen like Wiesel were able to find new<br />

configurations with improved properties. These are likely to have been the<br />

product of trial <strong>and</strong> error. It has been said that Kepler’s configuration was<br />

the only contribution from the theory of dioptrics to the improvement of the<br />

telescope. 44 Still, its advantages had to be discovered in practice. The<br />

40<br />

Bedini & Bennet, “Treatise”, 117.<br />

41<br />

Willach discusses dioptrical theory emerging from the correspondence of Rheita en Wiesel which<br />

suggests similar lines. Willach, “Development of telescope optics”, 390-394.<br />

42<br />

For example: Fontana’s Novae coelestium (1646) <strong>and</strong> Campani, Lettere di Giuseppe Campani intorne all'ombre<br />

delle Stelle Medicee (1665).<br />

43<br />

OC21, 252-290.<br />

44<br />

Van Helden, “The telescope in the 17th century”, 44-49.

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