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RA 00048.pdf - OAR@ICRISAT

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651<br />

In ail of the above chains any one person<br />

(trader) may be assuming more than one function,<br />

and may be participating in more than one chain at<br />

a time. Benefits from marketing generally accrue<br />

at each step along the chain. The particular market<br />

structure for each transaction determines the<br />

division of the benefits between the participants.<br />

The degree of concentration varies from market to<br />

market and between regions.<br />

Traders purchase mostly on their own account,<br />

sometimes for the state. They are rarely specialized<br />

in one sort of trade, but rather function as<br />

conglomerates. In rural areas they are farmers as<br />

well as commercial agents. In towns they also<br />

operate stores and mills. The largest traders have<br />

their own transportation and distribution networks.<br />

All traders are potential, if not actual,<br />

moneylenders.<br />

When the state intervenes it assumes part or all<br />

the chain between the producer and consumer.<br />

Its effectiveness depends on how much it takes<br />

over. The strongest benefits of the scheme<br />

accrue to the people who deal directly with the<br />

state agency and not necessarily to the participants<br />

at the ends of the chain.<br />

The two systems, private and public, interact in<br />

several ways. In none of the countries does the<br />

state control all grain trading, and in most cases it<br />

does not even control one entire channel. Thus.<br />

traders, producers, and consumers must decide<br />

how to react vis a vis the state agency. In areas<br />

where the marketing board operates, free market<br />

prices reflect this increased competition. Traders<br />

must behave so as to either minimize its effect on<br />

their trade, or maximize the advantage they can<br />

take from it.<br />

Marketing Studies<br />

The marketing studies of the late 1960s and<br />

1970s focus on testing the hypotheses under<br />

which the state marketing boards were justified,<br />

evaluating their performance, and describing the<br />

way in which the two market systems function<br />

and interact. Those undertaken by economists<br />

concentrate on assessing the competitiveness of<br />

the marketing system and the effects of the<br />

system on production, using the structure, conduct,<br />

performance paradigm. Anthropologists<br />

focus on the debt cycle and the social relationships<br />

that are a part of trade.<br />

Several reviews of the literature and annotated<br />

bibliographies exist: Arditi (1975, 1978), Harriss<br />

(1978) and CILSS (1977). The sheer volume of<br />

works on this subject attests to the interest and<br />

effort devoted to it. The most extensive research<br />

in the region has been done in Nigeria, beginning<br />

with Gilbert (1969), Jones (1972), and Hill (1971,<br />

1972). These have been followed by numerous<br />

studies on the trade of specific producers as well<br />

as production studies that include a marketing<br />

component. Research in other countries developed<br />

along similar lines, though it has been<br />

less extensive.<br />

The CILSS (1977) study of marketing, price<br />

policy, and storage of cereal grains in the seven<br />

countries of the CILSS is an overview of the<br />

specific marketing arrangements and policies of<br />

the region. The point of the study was to diagnose<br />

the problems in the area of marketing, including<br />

an evaluation of the existing state interventions<br />

and to suggest solutions. One of its major<br />

conclusions and recommendations is that there is<br />

a lack of, and thus need for, data about the<br />

marketing behavior of individual farmers. Since<br />

1977 researchers have responded to the plea by<br />

Berg (1980) by concentrating on village-level<br />

behavior, as opposed to just looking at national or<br />

regional aggregates. The farming systems methodology<br />

emphasizes the importance of the rural<br />

economy as a system, each of whose parts plays<br />

an important role in the operation of the whole.<br />

Thus, while not always the primary focus of a<br />

village-level study, marketing is now being looked<br />

at as part of this larger system.<br />

The marketing literature falls into two categories:<br />

that which concludes by supporting the<br />

aforementioned hypotheses, and that which refutes<br />

them. The battle lines have been drawn<br />

along ideological lines, with CILSS (1977) and Berg<br />

(1980), and Harris (1978, 1979), respectively,<br />

representing these polar interpretations. One<br />

group of studies using an adaptation of the<br />

"structure, conduct, performance" (SCP) 7 analysis<br />

applied to price data concludes that trade is<br />

basically competitive. The other, using a more<br />

anthropological approach, interviewing farmers<br />

and traders about their relationships, concludes<br />

that trade is not competitive, and that the marketing<br />

system aggravates the already marginal status<br />

of the poorer groups in society.<br />

7. For criticism of both the method of analysis and its<br />

application to West African data, see Harriss (1979).

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