RA 00048.pdf - OAR@ICRISAT
RA 00048.pdf - OAR@ICRISAT
RA 00048.pdf - OAR@ICRISAT
Create successful ePaper yourself
Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.
651<br />
In ail of the above chains any one person<br />
(trader) may be assuming more than one function,<br />
and may be participating in more than one chain at<br />
a time. Benefits from marketing generally accrue<br />
at each step along the chain. The particular market<br />
structure for each transaction determines the<br />
division of the benefits between the participants.<br />
The degree of concentration varies from market to<br />
market and between regions.<br />
Traders purchase mostly on their own account,<br />
sometimes for the state. They are rarely specialized<br />
in one sort of trade, but rather function as<br />
conglomerates. In rural areas they are farmers as<br />
well as commercial agents. In towns they also<br />
operate stores and mills. The largest traders have<br />
their own transportation and distribution networks.<br />
All traders are potential, if not actual,<br />
moneylenders.<br />
When the state intervenes it assumes part or all<br />
the chain between the producer and consumer.<br />
Its effectiveness depends on how much it takes<br />
over. The strongest benefits of the scheme<br />
accrue to the people who deal directly with the<br />
state agency and not necessarily to the participants<br />
at the ends of the chain.<br />
The two systems, private and public, interact in<br />
several ways. In none of the countries does the<br />
state control all grain trading, and in most cases it<br />
does not even control one entire channel. Thus.<br />
traders, producers, and consumers must decide<br />
how to react vis a vis the state agency. In areas<br />
where the marketing board operates, free market<br />
prices reflect this increased competition. Traders<br />
must behave so as to either minimize its effect on<br />
their trade, or maximize the advantage they can<br />
take from it.<br />
Marketing Studies<br />
The marketing studies of the late 1960s and<br />
1970s focus on testing the hypotheses under<br />
which the state marketing boards were justified,<br />
evaluating their performance, and describing the<br />
way in which the two market systems function<br />
and interact. Those undertaken by economists<br />
concentrate on assessing the competitiveness of<br />
the marketing system and the effects of the<br />
system on production, using the structure, conduct,<br />
performance paradigm. Anthropologists<br />
focus on the debt cycle and the social relationships<br />
that are a part of trade.<br />
Several reviews of the literature and annotated<br />
bibliographies exist: Arditi (1975, 1978), Harriss<br />
(1978) and CILSS (1977). The sheer volume of<br />
works on this subject attests to the interest and<br />
effort devoted to it. The most extensive research<br />
in the region has been done in Nigeria, beginning<br />
with Gilbert (1969), Jones (1972), and Hill (1971,<br />
1972). These have been followed by numerous<br />
studies on the trade of specific producers as well<br />
as production studies that include a marketing<br />
component. Research in other countries developed<br />
along similar lines, though it has been<br />
less extensive.<br />
The CILSS (1977) study of marketing, price<br />
policy, and storage of cereal grains in the seven<br />
countries of the CILSS is an overview of the<br />
specific marketing arrangements and policies of<br />
the region. The point of the study was to diagnose<br />
the problems in the area of marketing, including<br />
an evaluation of the existing state interventions<br />
and to suggest solutions. One of its major<br />
conclusions and recommendations is that there is<br />
a lack of, and thus need for, data about the<br />
marketing behavior of individual farmers. Since<br />
1977 researchers have responded to the plea by<br />
Berg (1980) by concentrating on village-level<br />
behavior, as opposed to just looking at national or<br />
regional aggregates. The farming systems methodology<br />
emphasizes the importance of the rural<br />
economy as a system, each of whose parts plays<br />
an important role in the operation of the whole.<br />
Thus, while not always the primary focus of a<br />
village-level study, marketing is now being looked<br />
at as part of this larger system.<br />
The marketing literature falls into two categories:<br />
that which concludes by supporting the<br />
aforementioned hypotheses, and that which refutes<br />
them. The battle lines have been drawn<br />
along ideological lines, with CILSS (1977) and Berg<br />
(1980), and Harris (1978, 1979), respectively,<br />
representing these polar interpretations. One<br />
group of studies using an adaptation of the<br />
"structure, conduct, performance" (SCP) 7 analysis<br />
applied to price data concludes that trade is<br />
basically competitive. The other, using a more<br />
anthropological approach, interviewing farmers<br />
and traders about their relationships, concludes<br />
that trade is not competitive, and that the marketing<br />
system aggravates the already marginal status<br />
of the poorer groups in society.<br />
7. For criticism of both the method of analysis and its<br />
application to West African data, see Harriss (1979).