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saerTaSoriso samarTlis Jurnali, #1, 2008 JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LAW, N1, 2008<br />

opposable before the courts of a foreign State,<br />

even where those courts exercise an extended<br />

criminal jurisdiction on the basis of various<br />

international conventions on the prevention<br />

and punishment of certain serious crimes.” 79<br />

The Court “conclude[d] that immunity does not<br />

mean impunity.” Unfortunately, however, this is<br />

exactly what it means. The four grounds enumerated<br />

by the International Court of Justice 80<br />

almost never work. As Yang argues, “in seeking<br />

to exercise universal jurisdiction over a<br />

foreign State or a foreign national who may<br />

benefit from State immunity, a domestic court<br />

has to satisfy two conditions: first, that the<br />

court has universal jurisdiction, as conferred<br />

by international law; and second, that the foreign<br />

State or the individual does not enjoy<br />

immunity under the circumstances.” 81 This is<br />

exactly the problem. The law and state practice<br />

must develop in a manner to overcome<br />

the principle according to which the high ranking<br />

officials of other states use immunities as<br />

a shield to avoid prosecution for international<br />

crimes, when the four circumstances enumerated<br />

by the ICJ do not work in practice and<br />

they stay at large, not bearing responsibility<br />

for most terrible atrocities.<br />

As it was underlined already, the Versailles<br />

Treaty recognized a possibility of trying a state<br />

leader implicated in perpetration of egregious<br />

crimes. Pinochet case, even though, very limited<br />

in its conclusions, must be considered as<br />

a guideline and a precedent creating case in<br />

the efforts against impunity of the highest level<br />

state officials. However, the concept of holding<br />

the criminal leaders accountable for international<br />

crimes anywhere, so that they are not<br />

able to enjoy impunity in any part of the world,<br />

disrespecting nexus of a crime perpetrated by<br />

them to the state prosecuting them, must turn<br />

to be a rule of customary international law and<br />

states may not be able to claim their sovereign<br />

immunity when putting to justice their criminal<br />

leaders. The Versailles Treaty and Nuremberg<br />

prosecutions laid a good ground for making<br />

this reality. Now, as the sufficient time has<br />

passed and the human rights law has developed<br />

well enough to protect human beings<br />

from the massive atrocities perpetrated by<br />

their or other states’ criminal leaders, quest<br />

for justice may not be shadowed by already<br />

archaic conception of absolute protection of<br />

sovereign immunities. Before making humanitarian<br />

intervention a finally settled rule of international<br />

law, it would be much more appropriate<br />

and practical to recognize universal jurisdiction<br />

over international crimes, perpetrated<br />

by high level state officials, when serving<br />

their term of office and give them as less possibilities<br />

to shield behind armours of protection<br />

of immunities as possible.<br />

VI. CONCLUSION: SHALL IMMUNITIES<br />

CONTINUE TO STAND ON THE WAY TO<br />

THE PROTECTION OF HUMAN RI\GHTS<br />

The essay has demonstrated that protection<br />

of sovereign equality of states and inviolability<br />

of sovereign immunities has been subjected<br />

to considerable restrictions throughout<br />

the 20 th century. Development of human rights<br />

law has prompted and necessitated considerable<br />

changes in the field. As the law progresses,<br />

the development of protection mechanisms<br />

from atrocities must evolve further, and states<br />

must recognize the importance of prosecution<br />

of the criminal leaders for the atrocities they<br />

perpetrate misusing their official capacity and<br />

influence, as well as a state apparatus for that.<br />

If the right of humanitarian intervention<br />

may be recognized as an appropriate mechanism<br />

to employ, when the human rights atrocities<br />

reach unimaginable scales, international<br />

law must allow breach of sovereign immunity<br />

and individual criminal responsibility under the<br />

universal jurisdiction of acting heads of states,<br />

as well as other high level state officials, protected<br />

by immunity. Law must develop in a way<br />

to allow individual criminal responsibility for at<br />

least international crimes to fall under universal<br />

jurisdiction and not to let criminal leaders<br />

to escape justice and seek safe heaven when<br />

the relatively minor perpetrators receive punishment.<br />

It may be enquired, if may there be any<br />

international organization able to pronounce<br />

on lifting the immunity ratione personae from<br />

alleged perpetrators The Security Council of<br />

the United Nations could be such an organ.<br />

“The United Nations Security Council is mandated,<br />

under Chapter VII of the United Nations<br />

Charter, to deal with threats to, or breaches<br />

of, international peace and security. Often<br />

such threats or breaches may and indeed do<br />

result from, among other things, serious<br />

crimes.” 82 The Nuremberg Tribunal recognized<br />

the individual criminal responsibility for the<br />

atrocities of all sorts of political leaders. The<br />

74

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