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358 assessment of climate change in the southwest united statesbecause of the potential of disrupted trade. The economy of the border is highly integratedthrough manufactured and agricultural trade, export-oriented production andlabor, and markets that include cross-border manufacturing clusters in aerospace, electronics,medical devices, automotive products, and other sectors.Mexico’s maquiladora industry experienced declines due to the 2001−2002 recessionand the period that followed. Maquiladoras are duty-free, foreign-owned assemblyplants responsible for nearly half of Mexico’s exports in 2006 (GAO 2003; Robertson2009). At their peak in 2000, they employed over 1 million people, of which 78% (839,200)were from the five major border cities of Tijuana, Mexicali, and Juárez (and Matamorosand Reynosa in the eastern border region) (GAO 2003). xx After 2006, Mexico no longertracked maquiladora exports separately from its other exports. xxiCities on the U.S. side of the border have benefited from the substantial flow of tradecreated by maquiladoras, with more than 500,000 jobs added to the U.S. border regionbetween 1990 and 2006, in services, retail trade, finance, and transportation. While maquiladorasdrive higher employment in Mexican border cities, Cañas et al. (2011) foundthat Texas border cities experienced the highest maquiladora-related employment increases,with El Paso providing the third-most maquiladora-related jobs of all bordercities (after McAllen and Reynosa). By comparison, California and Arizona border citiesexperienced a smaller benefit. Asian production inputs have displaced U.S. suppliers,whose share dropped from 90% in 2000 to 50% in 2006, notably affecting Tijuanamaquiladoras and San Diego suppliers. Maquila employment declined as a result ofthe 2001−2002 recession and global low-wage competition from southeast Asia. By 2006,maquiladoras employed over 750,000 people in border cities (Cañas and Gilmer 2009).Other forms of integration are trade and capital flows. xxiiThis analysis indicates that urban areas in the border region are vulnerable based onexposure to climate stressors. Urban infrastructure is sensitive to flooding (and relatederosion) and drought, and urban-based economic activities of both regional and globalconsequence may be sensitive to impacts caused by climate stressors (such as water scarcityor water shortage). Urban areas could be set on a more sustainable developmentpath through urban and economic development strategies such as extending water andsanitation networks and improving their efficiency; improving flood and erosion control;promoting water conservation at the household (e.g., rainwater harvesting) andmunicipal (e.g., expanded water treatment and reuse) levels; improving substandard orinappropriately-sited housing; and extending urban green spaces in low-income areas.Institutional and governance driversInstitutional asymmetry and fragmentation—meaning differences in governance frameworksand lack of cohesion and coordination among multiple government agencies andactors on the two sides of the border—create potential vulnerabilities in managing transborderenvironmental resources. Water management is used here as a lens into institutionsand environmental governance in the region. Governance refers to “the set ofregulatory processes, mechanisms, and organizations through which political actors influenceenvironmental actions and outcomes” (Lemos and Agrawal 2006, 298). The termencompasses both government and non-government actors, including communities,businesses, and non-governmental organizations. On the U.S. side of the border, water