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Collected Works of V. I. Lenin - Vol. 16 - From Marx to Mao

Collected Works of V. I. Lenin - Vol. 16 - From Marx to Mao

Collected Works of V. I. Lenin - Vol. 16 - From Marx to Mao

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DIFFERENCES IN THE EUROPEAN LABOUR MOVEMENT351during the last half-century, the various countries developingprimarily the application <strong>of</strong> the one method or the otherat definite periods. For instance, in the sixties and seventies<strong>of</strong> the nineteenth century Britain was the classicalcountry <strong>of</strong> “liberal” bourgeois policy, Germany in theseventies and eighties adhered <strong>to</strong> the method <strong>of</strong> force, andso on.When this method prevailed in Germany, a one-sided echo<strong>of</strong> this particular system <strong>of</strong> bourgeois government was thegrowth <strong>of</strong> anarcho-syndicalism, or anarchism, as it was thencalled, in the labour movement (the “Young” at the beginning<strong>of</strong> the nineties, 132 Johann Most at the beginning <strong>of</strong> theeighties 133 ). When in 1890 the change <strong>to</strong> “concessions” <strong>to</strong>okplace, this change, as is always the case, proved <strong>to</strong> be evenmore dangerous <strong>to</strong> the labour movement, and gave rise <strong>to</strong> anequally one-sided echo <strong>of</strong> bourgeois “reformism”: opportunismin the labour movement. “The positive, real aim <strong>of</strong> theliberal policy <strong>of</strong> the bourgeoisie,” Pannekoek says, “is <strong>to</strong>mislead the workers, <strong>to</strong> cause a split in their ranks, <strong>to</strong> converttheir policy in<strong>to</strong> an impotent adjunct <strong>of</strong> an impotent,always impotent and ephemeral, sham reformism.”Not infrequently, the bourgeoisie for a certain timeachieves its object by a “liberal” policy, which, as Pannekoekjustly remarks, is a “more crafty” policy. A part <strong>of</strong> theworkers and a part <strong>of</strong> their representatives at times allowthemselves <strong>to</strong> be deceived by seeming concessions. The revisionistsdeclare that the doctrine <strong>of</strong> the class struggle is“antiquated”, or begin <strong>to</strong> conduct a policy which is in facta renunciation <strong>of</strong> the class struggle. The zigzags <strong>of</strong> bourgeoistactics intensify revisionism within the labour movementand not infrequently bring the differences within the labourmovement <strong>to</strong> the point <strong>of</strong> an outright split.All causes <strong>of</strong> the kind indicated give rise <strong>to</strong> differencesover tactics within the labour movement and within theproletarian ranks. But there is not and cannot be a Chinesewall between the proletariat and the sections <strong>of</strong> the pettybourgeoisie in contact with it, including the peasantry.It is clear that the passing <strong>of</strong> certain individuals, groupsand sections <strong>of</strong> the petty bourgeoisie in<strong>to</strong> the ranks <strong>of</strong> theproletariat is bound, in its turn, <strong>to</strong> give rise <strong>to</strong> vacillationsin the tactics <strong>of</strong> the latter.

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