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Collected Works of V. I. Lenin - Vol. 16 - From Marx to Mao

Collected Works of V. I. Lenin - Vol. 16 - From Marx to Mao

Collected Works of V. I. Lenin - Vol. 16 - From Marx to Mao

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410V. I. LENINsee that there was really no strike wave—but only an isolateddemonstration strike.The rule applying <strong>to</strong> the triennium that we are studyingis that the rise <strong>of</strong> the strike wave indicates crucial turningpointsin the entire social and political evolution <strong>of</strong> thecountry. The strike statistics show us graphically what wasthe principal driving force <strong>of</strong> this evolution. This does notmean, <strong>of</strong> course, that the form <strong>of</strong> the movement we are examiningwas the sole or the highest form—we know that thiswas not the case; nor does it mean that we can draw directconclusions from this form <strong>of</strong> the movement with regard <strong>to</strong>particular questions <strong>of</strong> social and political evolution. But itdoes mean that what we have before us is a statistical picture(far from complete, <strong>of</strong> course) <strong>of</strong> the movement <strong>of</strong> the classwhich was the mainspring responsible for the general directiontaken by events. The movements <strong>of</strong> the other classes aregrouped around this centre; they follow it, their direction isdetermined (in a favourable or unfavourable way) by it,they depend on it.One has only <strong>to</strong> recall the principal moments in the politicalhis<strong>to</strong>ry <strong>of</strong> Russia during the triennium under review <strong>to</strong>realise that this conclusion is correct. Let us take the firstquarter <strong>of</strong> 1905. What did we see on the eve <strong>of</strong> this period?The well-known Zemstvo banquet campaign. Was it right<strong>to</strong> regard the actions <strong>of</strong> the workers in that campaign as“the highest type <strong>of</strong> demonstration”? Was the talk aboutrefraining from causing “panic” among the liberals justified?Consider these questions in conjunction with the strike statistics(1903—87,000 strikers; 1904—25,000; January 1905—444,000, including 123,000 political strikers), and the answerwill be obvious. The above-mentioned controversy over thequestion <strong>of</strong> the tactics in the Zemstvo campaign only reflectedthe antagonism between the liberal and working-classmovements, an antagonism rooted in objective conditions.What do we see after the January upsurge?* The wellknownFebruary edicts, which marked the inauguration* The quarterly data would make it appear that there was onlyone upsurge. Actually, there were two: in January, with 444,000strikers, and in May, with 220,000 strikers. In the interval betweenthese two months, March accounted for the minimum number <strong>of</strong>strikers—73,000.

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