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Collected Works of V. I. Lenin - Vol. 16 - From Marx to Mao

Collected Works of V. I. Lenin - Vol. 16 - From Marx to Mao

Collected Works of V. I. Lenin - Vol. 16 - From Marx to Mao

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HISTORICAL MEANING OF INNER-PARTY STRUGGLE IN RUSSIA377the “school <strong>of</strong> capitalism”, but rejects the school <strong>of</strong> revolutionaryclass struggle. All the counter-revolutionary liberalsin Russia, such as Struve, Bulgakov, Frank, Izgoyev and Co.,flaunt similar “<strong>Marx</strong>ist” phrases.Mar<strong>to</strong>v compares Russia <strong>of</strong> the epoch <strong>of</strong> peasant uprisingsagainst feudalism with “Western Europe”, which put anend <strong>to</strong> feudalism long ago. This is a stupendous dis<strong>to</strong>rtion<strong>of</strong> the his<strong>to</strong>rical perspective. Are there any socialists “inthe whole <strong>of</strong> Western Europe” whose programme containsthe demand: “<strong>to</strong> support the revolutionary actions <strong>of</strong> thepeasantry including confiscation <strong>of</strong> the landed estates”? 139No, there are none. The socialists “in the whole <strong>of</strong> WesternEurope” do not at all support the small proprie<strong>to</strong>rs in theirfight over landownership against the big proprie<strong>to</strong>rs. Whereinlies the difference? In the fact that “in the whole <strong>of</strong> WesternEurope” the bourgeois system, including, in particular,bourgeois agrarian relations, was established and <strong>to</strong>okdefinite shape long ago, whereas in Russia it is just now thata revolution is taking place over the question <strong>of</strong> the formthis bourgeois system is <strong>to</strong> assume. Mar<strong>to</strong>v repeats the threadbaremethod <strong>of</strong> the liberals, who always contrast the period<strong>of</strong> revolutionary conflicts over a given question with periodsin which there are no such revolutionary conflicts becausethe question itself was solved long ago.The tragicomedy <strong>of</strong> Menshevism lies in the fact thatat the time <strong>of</strong> the revolution it had <strong>to</strong> accept theses whichwere incompatible with liberalism. If we support the struggle<strong>of</strong> the “peasantry” for the confiscation <strong>of</strong> the land, it meansthat we admit that vic<strong>to</strong>ry is possible and economically andpolitically advantageous for the working class and the whole<strong>of</strong> the people. But the vic<strong>to</strong>ry <strong>of</strong> the “peasantry” led by theproletariat in the struggle for the confiscation <strong>of</strong> the landedestates is precisely the revolutionary dicta<strong>to</strong>rship <strong>of</strong> the proletariatand the peasantry. (Let us recall what <strong>Marx</strong> said in1848 about the need for a dicta<strong>to</strong>rship in a revolution, andMehring’s deserved ridicule <strong>of</strong> those who accused <strong>Marx</strong> <strong>of</strong>wishing <strong>to</strong> achieve democracy by setting up a dicta<strong>to</strong>rship. 140 )The view that the dicta<strong>to</strong>rship <strong>of</strong> these classes “runs counter<strong>to</strong> the whole course <strong>of</strong> economic development” is radicallywrong. The very opposite is the case. Only such a dicta<strong>to</strong>rshipcould make a clean sweep <strong>of</strong> the remnants <strong>of</strong> feudalism

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