GLOBAL ZERO COMMISSION ON NUCLEAR RISK REDUCTION REPORTDE-ALERTING AND STABILIZING THE WORLD’S NUCLEAR FORCE POSTURESof material has gotten loose from Russia.Strictly from the standpoint of <strong>nuclear</strong> terrorism as well as proliferati<strong>on</strong>,another major c<strong>on</strong>cern to Russia, Russia’s nati<strong>on</strong>alsecurity interest lies squarely in arms regulati<strong>on</strong> that optimizesthe security of its <strong>nuclear</strong> arsenal. A de-alerting agreementwould advance this objective.However, Russia has to c<strong>on</strong>tend with other potential threats toits security, and it views <strong>nuclear</strong> weap<strong>on</strong>s as playing a critical rolein dealing with them. The main purpose of Russia’s large <strong>nuclear</strong>force is to deter <strong>nuclear</strong> attack by threatening large-scale retaliati<strong>on</strong>to any <strong>nuclear</strong> attack. Despite the end of the Cold Wardecades ago and massive voluntary reducti<strong>on</strong>s in Russian <strong>nuclear</strong>stockpiles, this deterrent missi<strong>on</strong> remains a core elementof Russian security strategy. The missi<strong>on</strong> is aimed primarily atthe United States and its <strong>nuclear</strong>-armed NATO allies (France,and the United Kingdom, and other NATO allies assigned todeliver some of the 180 U.S. <strong>nuclear</strong> bombs stored in Europe),and China. As noted earlier, approximately 800 Russian <strong>nuclear</strong>missile warheads are poised for immediate firing in the nameof classic deterrence, a posture that is interlocked with U.S. alertmissiles in a mutually reinforcing stand-off that exposes bothnati<strong>on</strong>s – and the world – to the <strong>risk</strong>s of accidental, mistaken orunauthorized strikes by forces <strong>on</strong> either side.In additi<strong>on</strong> to providing the capacity for sec<strong>on</strong>d-strike retaliati<strong>on</strong>,Russia’s <strong>nuclear</strong> arsenal serves a general war-fightingpurpose. Russia’s <strong>nuclear</strong> policy asserts its readiness to resortto <strong>nuclear</strong> weap<strong>on</strong>s to defeat any aggressi<strong>on</strong> that threatens thevery survival of the Russian nati<strong>on</strong>. This positi<strong>on</strong>, adopted in1993 and reaffirmed by recent military doctrine (2014), impliesthat Russia may initiate the use of <strong>nuclear</strong> weap<strong>on</strong>s in situati<strong>on</strong>sof extreme danger to the state.In Russia’s estimati<strong>on</strong>, these situati<strong>on</strong>s mainly include c<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>alattack against its territory by NATO or Chinese forces.Such attacks may take the form of a classic invasi<strong>on</strong> of massedenemy forces overrunning border defenses and crossing intoRussian territory. China and NATO (to a lesser extent) projectthis threat. Or they may take the form of a massive aerial assaultsspearheaded by warplanes armed with precisi<strong>on</strong>-guidedc<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>al forces used for surgical strikes against key Russianfacilities (e.g., nati<strong>on</strong>al command posts, missile silos, earlywarning radars). The United States al<strong>on</strong>e possesses this capability.Russian strategists believe such c<strong>on</strong>flicts would likely grow outof lower-intensity regi<strong>on</strong>al c<strong>on</strong>flicts <strong>on</strong> Russia’s periphery (e.g.,Ukraine and Georgia) that inadvertently escalate and spread tothe next level. At an early phase in such scenarios these strategistsenvisage the first use of tens to hundreds of Russian <strong>nuclear</strong>weap<strong>on</strong>s, primarily tactical <strong>nuclear</strong> forces, in order to shoreup its c<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>al forces and establish escalati<strong>on</strong> dominance,a throwback to the Cold War days of U.S.-NATO plans for earlyfirst use of <strong>nuclear</strong> weap<strong>on</strong>s in the event of an overwhelmingSoviet c<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>al assault. The <strong>risk</strong> of further <strong>nuclear</strong> escalati<strong>on</strong>in such a situati<strong>on</strong> is clearly high.All of these scenarios, except for terrorism, could <strong>on</strong>ly unfoldover a timeframe far l<strong>on</strong>ger than the 24-72 hour re-alertingtimeline proposed by this <strong>report</strong> – even if this c<strong>on</strong>straint appliedto all of the <strong>nuclear</strong> forces <strong>on</strong> both sides. Such a timelinewould more than suffice to allow Russia to resp<strong>on</strong>d in a timelyway to any and all current and foreseeable c<strong>on</strong>tingencies involvingc<strong>on</strong>flict with the United States/NATO or China, or any<strong>on</strong>eelse for that matter. There are no c<strong>on</strong>flicts of interest am<strong>on</strong>g anyof these nati<strong>on</strong>s that would justify direct military c<strong>on</strong>flict. Butin the improbable event of military hostilities am<strong>on</strong>g them, theRussian <strong>nuclear</strong> forces could maintain central deterrence andgeneral war-fighting capabilities at much lower levels of attackreadiness than presently exists.The touchst<strong>on</strong>e issue is reaching an understanding betweenRussia and the United States/NATO <strong>on</strong> the structure and operati<strong>on</strong>of missile defenses being deployed in the European theaterwhose primary purpose is to protect Europe from shortandmedium-range Iranian missiles. Russia’s c<strong>on</strong>cern is thatthis defensive shield could evolve into <strong>on</strong>e capable of threateningthe remnants of Russia’s strategic missile force decimatedby a U.S./NATO <strong>nuclear</strong> first strike. Similarly, Russia viewsU.S. l<strong>on</strong>g-range precisi<strong>on</strong>-guided c<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>al weap<strong>on</strong>s as apotential threat to a sizable porti<strong>on</strong> of its <strong>nuclear</strong> arsenal andcommand-c<strong>on</strong>trol facilities, and therefore seeks to count theseweap<strong>on</strong>s against treaty-imposed ceilings <strong>on</strong> <strong>nuclear</strong> weap<strong>on</strong>s,or otherwise to c<strong>on</strong>strain them.The other major points of c<strong>on</strong>tenti<strong>on</strong> from a Russian perspec-40
GLOBAL ZERO COMMISSION ON NUCLEAR RISK REDUCTION REPORTDE-ALERTING AND STABILIZING THE WORLD’S NUCLEAR FORCE POSTUREStive reflect its desire to prohibit the deployment of any weap<strong>on</strong>sin outer space, including c<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>al missile defense weap<strong>on</strong>s,to require <strong>nuclear</strong> weap<strong>on</strong>s to be located <strong>on</strong>ly <strong>on</strong> the territoryof their owners (this would <strong>on</strong>ly affect the 180 U.S. tacticalweap<strong>on</strong>s in Europe), and to ratify a new treaty that would redressRussia’s overall c<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>al inferiority in the Europeantheater (this treaty, the Adapted C<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>al Forces EuropeTreaty, was successfully negotiated but tripped up over the BalticNATO states’ refusal to ratify it until Russia withdraws itsforces from n<strong>on</strong>-NATO Georgia/Abkhazia, leading Russia tosuspend its implementati<strong>on</strong> of the treaty).Russia’s linkage of these c<strong>on</strong>tentious issues to future <strong>nuclear</strong>arms c<strong>on</strong>trol, including presumably any opening round ofbilateral or multilateral negotiati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> de-alerting, reflectsRussia’s str<strong>on</strong>g desire to broaden the security agenda and formnew <str<strong>on</strong>g>global</str<strong>on</strong>g> security architecture <strong>on</strong> the principal of equal securityfor all nati<strong>on</strong>s. This broadened agenda and architecturewould encompass much more than narrow military c<strong>on</strong>siderati<strong>on</strong>sand in this respect ec<strong>on</strong>omic ties and “soft” power couldsignificantly offset Russia’s technical military disadvantages.A more cooperative security relati<strong>on</strong>ship between Russia andEurope would open the door much wider for deep bilateral<strong>nuclear</strong> arms reducti<strong>on</strong>s. The model U.S. presidential guidancepresented later in this <strong>report</strong> seeks to find new ways to bridgethe divide.Unfortunately, the chasm is wider than ever. In light of theUkraine crisis and the estranged relati<strong>on</strong>s between Russiaand the West, such security cooperati<strong>on</strong> has little pulse at themoment. In certain respects this state of affairs with its seriouspotential for further miscalculati<strong>on</strong> and escalati<strong>on</strong> gives allthe more reas<strong>on</strong> to pursue c<strong>on</strong>fidence-building measures likede-alerting. The potential for the Ukraine crisis to escalate inadvertentlyand become unmanageable is steadily growing andneeds to be c<strong>on</strong>tained through urgent <strong>risk</strong> reducti<strong>on</strong> measures.Russia has nothing to lose and much to gain from beginninga c<strong>on</strong>structive dialogue <strong>on</strong> de-alerting – even if all the othersticking points are not immediately resolved. There is a growing<strong>risk</strong> of <strong>nuclear</strong> inadvertence leading to the accidental, unauthorizedor mistaken use of <strong>nuclear</strong> weap<strong>on</strong>s that could bereduced through de-alerting measures. Russia would becomemore secure. Russia would also dem<strong>on</strong>strate anew its commitmentto internati<strong>on</strong>al norms and law. By taking de-alertingsteps that decrease the operati<strong>on</strong>al readiness of its <strong>nuclear</strong> forces,it would c<strong>on</strong>form to the provisi<strong>on</strong>s of the NPT that Russiaitself approved during prior Review C<strong>on</strong>ferences. Taking themodest initial steps outlined in this <strong>report</strong> would be roundlyapplauded by all or virtually all of the nati<strong>on</strong>s of the world.In this spirit, eminent Russian experts have advanced a boldproposal for de-alerting Russian strategic forces. These experts,who include several former senior Russian military officerswho are members of this <str<strong>on</strong>g>commissi<strong>on</strong></str<strong>on</strong>g>, studied the U.S. de-alertingand force structure proposals c<strong>on</strong>tained in the model U.S.guidance spelled out later in this <strong>report</strong>, and formulated aRussian plan for reciprocal de-alerting (and force reducti<strong>on</strong>s)geared to the same timelines. They recommend a total weap<strong>on</strong>sceiling of 1,500 strategic and tactical weap<strong>on</strong>s combined – a 70percent cut in the Russian arsenal – and endorse removing allremaining Russian strategic forces from launch-ready alert, <strong>on</strong>the c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong> that multilateral talks <strong>on</strong> <strong>nuclear</strong> arms reducti<strong>on</strong>sthat include China are initiated. According to these analysts,their plan would be fully c<strong>on</strong>sistent with Russian nati<strong>on</strong>al securityinterests and strategy:Russia’s Nuclear Forces in 2022:Possible Force StructureTotal <strong>nuclear</strong> warheads 1,500of which:Strategic and in a state of reducedoperati<strong>on</strong>al readiness1,000Tactical and n<strong>on</strong>-deployed 500Total deployed strategic warheads 500of which:On 270 ICBMs 270On 8 <strong>nuclear</strong> submarines with 128 SLBMs 140On 15 heavy bombers 90All strategic warheads in active reserve 500of which to be deployed:ICBMs 270Nuclear submarines 140Heavy bombers 9041