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global_zero_commission_on_nuclear_risk_reduction_report

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GLOBAL ZERO COMMISSION ON NUCLEAR RISK REDUCTION REPORTDE-ALERTING AND STABILIZING THE WORLD’S NUCLEAR FORCE POSTUREStive reflect its desire to prohibit the deployment of any weap<strong>on</strong>sin outer space, including c<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>al missile defense weap<strong>on</strong>s,to require <strong>nuclear</strong> weap<strong>on</strong>s to be located <strong>on</strong>ly <strong>on</strong> the territoryof their owners (this would <strong>on</strong>ly affect the 180 U.S. tacticalweap<strong>on</strong>s in Europe), and to ratify a new treaty that would redressRussia’s overall c<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>al inferiority in the Europeantheater (this treaty, the Adapted C<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>al Forces EuropeTreaty, was successfully negotiated but tripped up over the BalticNATO states’ refusal to ratify it until Russia withdraws itsforces from n<strong>on</strong>-NATO Georgia/Abkhazia, leading Russia tosuspend its implementati<strong>on</strong> of the treaty).Russia’s linkage of these c<strong>on</strong>tentious issues to future <strong>nuclear</strong>arms c<strong>on</strong>trol, including presumably any opening round ofbilateral or multilateral negotiati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> de-alerting, reflectsRussia’s str<strong>on</strong>g desire to broaden the security agenda and formnew <str<strong>on</strong>g>global</str<strong>on</strong>g> security architecture <strong>on</strong> the principal of equal securityfor all nati<strong>on</strong>s. This broadened agenda and architecturewould encompass much more than narrow military c<strong>on</strong>siderati<strong>on</strong>sand in this respect ec<strong>on</strong>omic ties and “soft” power couldsignificantly offset Russia’s technical military disadvantages.A more cooperative security relati<strong>on</strong>ship between Russia andEurope would open the door much wider for deep bilateral<strong>nuclear</strong> arms reducti<strong>on</strong>s. The model U.S. presidential guidancepresented later in this <strong>report</strong> seeks to find new ways to bridgethe divide.Unfortunately, the chasm is wider than ever. In light of theUkraine crisis and the estranged relati<strong>on</strong>s between Russiaand the West, such security cooperati<strong>on</strong> has little pulse at themoment. In certain respects this state of affairs with its seriouspotential for further miscalculati<strong>on</strong> and escalati<strong>on</strong> gives allthe more reas<strong>on</strong> to pursue c<strong>on</strong>fidence-building measures likede-alerting. The potential for the Ukraine crisis to escalate inadvertentlyand become unmanageable is steadily growing andneeds to be c<strong>on</strong>tained through urgent <strong>risk</strong> reducti<strong>on</strong> measures.Russia has nothing to lose and much to gain from beginninga c<strong>on</strong>structive dialogue <strong>on</strong> de-alerting – even if all the othersticking points are not immediately resolved. There is a growing<strong>risk</strong> of <strong>nuclear</strong> inadvertence leading to the accidental, unauthorizedor mistaken use of <strong>nuclear</strong> weap<strong>on</strong>s that could bereduced through de-alerting measures. Russia would becomemore secure. Russia would also dem<strong>on</strong>strate anew its commitmentto internati<strong>on</strong>al norms and law. By taking de-alertingsteps that decrease the operati<strong>on</strong>al readiness of its <strong>nuclear</strong> forces,it would c<strong>on</strong>form to the provisi<strong>on</strong>s of the NPT that Russiaitself approved during prior Review C<strong>on</strong>ferences. Taking themodest initial steps outlined in this <strong>report</strong> would be roundlyapplauded by all or virtually all of the nati<strong>on</strong>s of the world.In this spirit, eminent Russian experts have advanced a boldproposal for de-alerting Russian strategic forces. These experts,who include several former senior Russian military officerswho are members of this <str<strong>on</strong>g>commissi<strong>on</strong></str<strong>on</strong>g>, studied the U.S. de-alertingand force structure proposals c<strong>on</strong>tained in the model U.S.guidance spelled out later in this <strong>report</strong>, and formulated aRussian plan for reciprocal de-alerting (and force reducti<strong>on</strong>s)geared to the same timelines. They recommend a total weap<strong>on</strong>sceiling of 1,500 strategic and tactical weap<strong>on</strong>s combined – a 70percent cut in the Russian arsenal – and endorse removing allremaining Russian strategic forces from launch-ready alert, <strong>on</strong>the c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong> that multilateral talks <strong>on</strong> <strong>nuclear</strong> arms reducti<strong>on</strong>sthat include China are initiated. According to these analysts,their plan would be fully c<strong>on</strong>sistent with Russian nati<strong>on</strong>al securityinterests and strategy:Russia’s Nuclear Forces in 2022:Possible Force StructureTotal <strong>nuclear</strong> warheads 1,500of which:Strategic and in a state of reducedoperati<strong>on</strong>al readiness1,000Tactical and n<strong>on</strong>-deployed 500Total deployed strategic warheads 500of which:On 270 ICBMs 270On 8 <strong>nuclear</strong> submarines with 128 SLBMs 140On 15 heavy bombers 90All strategic warheads in active reserve 500of which to be deployed:ICBMs 270Nuclear submarines 140Heavy bombers 9041

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