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global_zero_commission_on_nuclear_risk_reduction_report

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GLOBAL ZERO COMMISSION ON NUCLEAR RISK REDUCTION REPORTDE-ALERTING AND STABILIZING THE WORLD’S NUCLEAR FORCE POSTURESorder to create “a str<strong>on</strong>g guarantee against undesirable reacti<strong>on</strong>arymissile launches by the president of the United Statesor the president of Russia.” 94 At a minimum, the two nati<strong>on</strong>scould notify each other whenever strategic submarines leavetheir homeports. 95 Failure to address this c<strong>on</strong>cern in somemeaningful way means “the problem associated with a threatof a <str<strong>on</strong>g>global</str<strong>on</strong>g> catastrophe remains unresolved.” 96 The c<strong>on</strong>cern isheightened by the possibility, which the Russian expert arguescannot be excluded, that a third-party, a “rogue” state, or evenextremists who might hijack a vessel and launch <strong>on</strong>-boardmissiles from waters close to the other’s territory and trigger amistaken launch in retaliati<strong>on</strong> based <strong>on</strong> misattributi<strong>on</strong> of theresp<strong>on</strong>sible party.The third major recommendati<strong>on</strong> is that the two countriesshould notify each other whenever they are going to alert anddeploy their back-up <strong>nuclear</strong> command systems, even if <strong>on</strong>lyfor the purpose of exercising them. 97 These reserve elementssuch as ground mobile and airborne command posts, and airbornelaunch c<strong>on</strong>trol centers, would be mobilized in preparati<strong>on</strong>for <strong>nuclear</strong> war, as they provide the backb<strong>on</strong>e for ensuringthe survival and c<strong>on</strong>tinuity of the <strong>nuclear</strong> chain of commandin wartime. As such, their generati<strong>on</strong> to high alert could bemisinterpreted as a prelude to a first strike, and “hence thereexists the possibility of an unfortunate reacti<strong>on</strong> by the otherparty in the absence of reliable informati<strong>on</strong>.” 98These principles and specific proposals underlie the de-alertingagenda presented in the next secti<strong>on</strong>s of this <strong>report</strong>. Notificati<strong>on</strong>protocols – for launches, forward positi<strong>on</strong>ing of strategicmissiles with extremely short flight times, and mobilizati<strong>on</strong>of reserve <strong>nuclear</strong> command posts – are key to any de-alertingagreement. This principle should be expanded to coverthe alerting or re-alerting of tactical <strong>nuclear</strong> weap<strong>on</strong>s, reservestrategic weap<strong>on</strong>s normally kept in storage, and operati<strong>on</strong>allydeployed strategic <strong>nuclear</strong> weap<strong>on</strong>s that normally remain off94 Ibid.95 For the United States, this happens <strong>on</strong>ce a week or so.96 Ibid.97 Ibid.98 Ibid.high alert in peacetime.E. A FUTURE DE-ALERTING AGREEMENTA future bilateral de-alerting agreement could unfold in twostages. In stage <strong>on</strong>e, urgent steps would be taken to eliminatelaunch-<strong>on</strong>-warning from the U.S. and Russian postures withinsix m<strong>on</strong>ths to <strong>on</strong>e year. Initial steps would be taken to decreasethe attack readiness of a porti<strong>on</strong> of the individual strategic <strong>nuclear</strong>forces. These and additi<strong>on</strong>al de-alerting measures wouldbe implemented in phases for the rest of the force until a totalstand-down is achieved. The timeframe for this phased implementati<strong>on</strong>is approximately ten years under a fast-track opti<strong>on</strong>.The urgent task of eliminating prompt launch from the <strong>nuclear</strong>postures of both sides initially entails mainly adjustments intraining, exercising, and planning in order to begin changingthe mindset and organizati<strong>on</strong>al cultures in which the currentpostures are so deeply rooted. It would initially entail a reciprocalstand-down of a relatively small porti<strong>on</strong> of their highalertstrategic forces. Keep in mind that today approximately<strong>on</strong>e-half of their strategic forces, and n<strong>on</strong>e of their tactical <strong>nuclear</strong>forces, stand ready for immediate launch. The drawdownschedule thus applies to the fracti<strong>on</strong> of day-to-day alert, assumingthe off alert remainder stays off alert. (The agreementwould so stipulate.)The alert porti<strong>on</strong>, currently c<strong>on</strong>sisting of approximately 950weap<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> each side, would stand down in phases accordingto this drawdown schedule:• Within <strong>on</strong>e year, 20 percent (approximately 170weap<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> each side) of the current alert strategicforces would be stood down, leaving 680 <strong>on</strong> high alert<strong>on</strong> each side.• Within three years, 50 percent (425 weap<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> eachside) would be off of alert, leaving 425 still <strong>on</strong> alert.• Within six years, 80 percent (680 weap<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> eachside) would be off alert, leaving 170 <strong>on</strong> alert.Within ten years, 100 percent (850 weap<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> each side)could be off alert if U.S.-Russian relati<strong>on</strong>s have returned t<strong>on</strong>ormal and their security cooperati<strong>on</strong> has deepened.The keygoal is to decrease attack readiness from current launch times54

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