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ECONOMY

Weingast - Wittman (eds) - Handbook of Political Ecnomy

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anthony j. venables 747<br />

The model is intended to be suggestive of some of the forces driving the “great<br />

divergence” of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Between 1750 and 1880 western<br />

Europe’s share of world manufacturing production went from less than 20 per cent<br />

to more than 65 per cent; together with North America, their share approached<br />

75 per cent in the interwar period, before falling back to around 50 per cent by the<br />

beginning of the twenty-first century. Per capita incomes diverged, and are only now<br />

showing—for some regions—convergence. The model provides a single mechanism<br />

that can capture both these phases. Falling transport costs in a setting in which there<br />

are agglomeration forces in industry means that one region—the North—comes to<br />

deindustrialize the South and create inequality in the world economy. Only once<br />

transport costs become low enough—the globalization phase—does industry flow<br />

back and income convergence take place.<br />

Of course, other mechanisms are also important, and there is probably a complementarity<br />

between mechanisms. Levels of education and institutional quality are<br />

determinants of income, but are in turn determined by income. The incentives to<br />

invest in education or develop institutions that support modern economic activity<br />

are low in an economy that is unable to compete with imports from the Northern<br />

manufacturing cluster.<br />

4.2 Migration and the New World<br />

The nineteenth century saw mass emigration from Europe to the new worlds of the<br />

Americas and Australasia. Just one of these booming regions—the northeast of the<br />

USA—made a successful transition from agriculture to manufacturing. Why was this<br />

so? The historical literature gives a number of explanations, largely based around<br />

institutional quality. Differing colonial legacies are important (North, Summerhill,<br />

and Weingast 2000), as are the different patterns of land tenure supported by climatic<br />

as well as colonial factors (Engerman and Sokoloff 1997). What additional and complementary<br />

mechanisms are provided by new economic geography?<br />

Once again, it is helpful to think in a very stylized way in order to draw out some<br />

possibilities. 6 Suppose that there is an established economic center with manufacturing<br />

activity (Europe) and some number of other locations (in the New World) that<br />

can trade with the center. The new locations have high land–labor ratios, so export<br />

primary products and import manufactures. This endowment ratio also means that<br />

they offer high wages, attracting an inflow of migrants. The question is, at what<br />

stage—if at all—do these new economies attract manufacturing activity? The answer<br />

depends on trade costs (including tariff policies), market size, and competition<br />

from other sources of supply. Suppose that all New World economies are identical<br />

to each other, and all attracting immigrants at the same rate. Then there comes a<br />

point at which the local market is large enough to support manufacturing. However,<br />

simultaneous growth of manufacturing in all of these regions is not a possible<br />

⁶ ThisdrawsonCraftsandVenables2003.

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