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ECONOMY

Weingast - Wittman (eds) - Handbook of Political Ecnomy

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john londregan 97<br />

Notice that the archetypal social welfare function for the left, S0 L ({c g } G g =1 ), which is<br />

largest when the variance of consumption levels is smallest, depends on the consumption<br />

level of each group.<br />

Now let’s turn to the archetypal social welfare function for the right. This welfare<br />

function cares only about minimizing the inefficiencies implied by taxation and<br />

transfers. These are modeled as increasing with the square of the gap between an<br />

individual’s actual consumption level, c, and her endowment, y, yielding a loss of<br />

−(y − c) 2 . As all members of the same group g have the same endowment, y g ,and<br />

the same consumption level, c g , the contribution of the N g members of group g to<br />

the deadweight losses is N g (c g − y g ) 2 . When we add up these deadweight losses for<br />

all the groups we have the archetypal rightist social welfare function S0 R({c g , y g } G g =1 ):<br />

S R 0 ({c g , y g } G g =1 )=−G g =1 N g (c g − y g ) 2 (9)<br />

Political parties (and individuals) in the Dixit and Londregan (1998) modelcare<br />

about both inefficiencies and inequality, but those on the right place more weight on<br />

inefficiencies, while their counterparts on the left place greater weight on inequality.<br />

Voters also differ in the relative weights they place on both sets of considerations. A<br />

type ˜ voter in group g will side with the party whose promised redistributive scheme<br />

offers the highest value for:<br />

·g c g +(1− ˜)S L 0 ({c g } G g =1 )+˜S R 0 ({c g , y g } G g =1 ) (10)<br />

Notice that in this framework 22 there is no longer a primitive preference for one party<br />

or the other. Instead voters care about the transfer they receive, the level of taxes, and<br />

the amount of inequality implied by each party’s proposed policies. However, voters<br />

with higher values of ˜ will, all else equal, be more sympathetic to the goals of party<br />

R, while lower values for ˜ predispose voters towards party L. There is a similarity<br />

between ˜, the relative weight placed on the rightist welfare function, and X, the<br />

partisan attachment to party R that was central to several of the models discussed<br />

previously.<br />

The parties choose redistributive schemes subject to the budget constraint in order<br />

to maximize a payoff that depends on the value to them of being elected, and on<br />

their preferences over the promised policy platform, which itself balances the goals<br />

of efficiency and equality. All else equal, the party on the left will give more weight<br />

to equality while the party on the right will place more emphasis on efficiency when<br />

committing to taxes and transfers. More “power-hungry” parties will be less willing<br />

to sacrifice votes in order to adopt ideologically pure platforms, and so they will more<br />

aggressively favor blocks of swing voters.<br />

²² As in several of the other models considered in this chapter, groups differ in their willingness to<br />

sacrifice their most preferred distribution of income for greater private consumption benefits. Higher<br />

values for · correspond to groups that are less concerned about the overall distribution of resources, as<br />

compared with the level of their own personal consumption.

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