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ECONOMY

Weingast - Wittman (eds) - Handbook of Political Ecnomy

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david austen-smith 903<br />

by studying how the set of maximal elements varies with changes in the feasible set.<br />

Now it is certainly true that individuals make political decisions but those decisions of<br />

interest to political science are not primarily individual consumption or investment<br />

decisions; rather, they are decisions to vote, to participate in collective action, to adopt<br />

a platform on which to run for elected office, and so forth. In contrast to canonical<br />

decision-making in economics, therefore, what an individual chooses in politics is not<br />

always what an individual obtains (e.g. voting for some electoral candidate does not<br />

ensure that the candidate is elected). Thus, the link between an individual’s decisions<br />

in politics and the consequent payoffs to the individual is attenuated relative to<br />

that for economic decisions: the basic political model of individual choice is game<br />

theoretic.<br />

The preceding observations suggest two approaches to understanding how individual<br />

preferences connect to political, or collective, choices and both are pursued: a<br />

direct approach through extending the individual decision-theoretic model to the collectivity<br />

as a whole, an approach essentially begun with Arrow (1951, 1963) andBlack<br />

(1958); and an indirect approach through exploring the consequences of mutually<br />

consistent sets of strategic decisions by instrumentally rational agents, an approach<br />

with roots in von Neumann and Morgenstern (1944) and Nash (1951).<br />

Under the direct (collective preference) approach to social choice, individuals’<br />

preferences are directly aggregated into a “social preference” which, as in individual<br />

decision theory, is then maximized to yield a set of best (relative to the maximand)<br />

alternatives, the collective choices. But although individual preferences surely influence<br />

individual decisions such as voting, there is no guarantee that individuals’<br />

preferences are revealed by their decisions (for example, an individual may have strict<br />

preferences over candidates for electoral office, yet choose to vote strategically or to<br />

abstain). Under the indirect (game-theoretic) approach to social choice, therefore, it<br />

is individuals’ actions that are aggregated to arrive at collective choices. Faced with<br />

a particular decision problem, individuals rarely have to declare their preferences<br />

directly but instead have to take some action. For example, in a multicandidate<br />

election under plurality rule, individuals must choose the candidate for whom to vote<br />

and may abstain; the collective choice from the election is then decided by counting<br />

the recorded votes and not by direct observation of all individuals’ preferences over<br />

the entire list of candidates. It is useful to be a little more precise.<br />

A preference profile is a list of preferences, one for each individual in the society,<br />

over a set of alternatives for that society. An abstract collective choice rule is a rule that<br />

assigns collective choices to each and every profile; that is, for any list of preferences,<br />

a collective choice rule identifies the set of outcomes chosen by society. Similarly,<br />

a preference aggregation rule is a rule that aggregates individuals’ preferences into<br />

a single, complete, “social preference” relation over the set of alternatives; that is, for<br />

any profile, the preference aggregation rule collects individual preferences into a social<br />

preference relation over alternatives. It is important to note that while the theory<br />

(following economics) presumes individual preferences are complete and transitive,<br />

the only requirement at this point of a social preference relation is that it is complete.<br />

For any profile and preference aggregation rule, we can identify those alternatives (if

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