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Weingast - Wittman (eds) - Handbook of Political Ecnomy

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ichard a. epstein 347<br />

counted as a compelling state interest that justified a departure from the color-blind<br />

rule in Brown.<br />

The equal protection clause has also been applied, but under an intermediate<br />

scrutiny standard, to invalidate a wide range of distinctions between men and women,<br />

including sex-based rules that deal with the ability to serve as administrators of estates<br />

or receive dependent military or social security benefits (Reed v. Reed 1971). But efforts<br />

to attack economic classifications have generally foundered because the court does<br />

not see in these regulations the risk of political domination and oppression that has<br />

been found in more sensitive classifications.<br />

Consistent with the basic effort to prevent rent extraction, there is much to applaud<br />

judicial intervention to protect discrete and isolated minorities. But there is no reason<br />

to withhold that same kind of scrutiny from other forms of regulation that often have<br />

blatant protectionist motives. There is no a priori reason why ordinary businesses,<br />

both large and small, cannot come out on the losing end of political struggles. Thus a<br />

deferential Supreme Court went astray when it rejected an equal protection challenge<br />

to a statutory ban on plastic milk containers at the behest of paper manufacturers<br />

(Minnesota v. Clover Leaf Creamery Co. 1981). The statute looked like naked protectionism<br />

thinly disguised by an appeal to environmental justifications whose weakness<br />

was belied by the widespread use of plastic containers everywhere else.<br />

2 Constitutional Protection of<br />

Contract and Property<br />

.............................................................................<br />

The relaxed attitude of the Supreme Court to equal protection challenges to economic<br />

regulation comes at the end of a long history of judicial action on the topic.<br />

Before the New Deal revolution of 1937, the court gave less protection to social and<br />

political rights, and greater protection to contractual rights, economic liberties, and<br />

private property. Today the protections have flipped. What explains the demotion of<br />

economic interests, and the difference between various classes of rights?<br />

Contracts clause. The court’s foray into economic rights before the Civil War invoked<br />

the contracts clause to limit state action. The court quickly and sensibly held<br />

that the clause limited the state’s ability to discharge individuals from indebtedness<br />

incurred before the passage of law that delayed the creditors’ right to collect on<br />

indebtedness, or to discharge a debt under an insolvency or bankruptcy law that<br />

was passed subsequent to the creation of the debt. But the Supreme court refused<br />

to recognize any individual right to protect a contractual entitlement against an<br />

insolvency statute that was passed before the formation of a contract, which was then<br />

created with reference to the statutory form. The earlier position exhibited hostility<br />

to the retroactive limitation of contract rights but not to their prospective limitation<br />

(Epstein 1984). That split held roughly until the Great Depression when the Supreme

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