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ECONOMY

Weingast - Wittman (eds) - Handbook of Political Ecnomy

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ussell hardin 301<br />

is the result of popular acquiescence to the regime rather than of genuine approval or<br />

support of it. Acquiescence might be readier once a government gains great power<br />

to block opposition. To get initial coordination on a constitution and its regime,<br />

however, is likely to require a fairly broad degree of support. But it does not require<br />

continuing support to maintain a regime that once has power and control of the<br />

mechanisms of office.<br />

The core issue in constitutionalism is how a government under a constitution is<br />

empowered (especially initially). Once it is, it can maintain social order and it can resolve<br />

prisoner’s dilemma and other interactions, including other coordination problems.<br />

Trivially, for example, it can establish orderly traffic laws. Constitutionalism is<br />

a two-stage problem. At the first stage temporally, we coordinate on a constitution<br />

and its form of government. At the second stage, that government then enables us to<br />

maintain order and to resolve various ordinary problems, many of which are between<br />

individuals or small groups of individuals rather than, like the constitution, at the<br />

whole-society level.<br />

Finally note that in the law, contracts have been pushed in two directions against<br />

the simple, classical model implicit in the discussion here. First, many issues have<br />

been taken out of the realm of binding contractual agreement no matter what we<br />

agree to. For example, your apartment lease might say you cannot have house pets<br />

but the law may say you can, and the contract for the lease is not binding even<br />

though you might sign it. Second, many issues in especially complex deals cannot<br />

be easily adjudicated by courts, so that relevant contracts are not enforceable by legal<br />

authorities but must be self-enforcing (Williamson 1985). They may, for example,<br />

be enforced by the incentives we have to maintain good relations or good reputations.<br />

In this respect, contracts have become more like constitutions. One could say<br />

that the meaning of contract has changed or that we have displaced it with other<br />

devices. A defender of the social contract tradition could, falsely, say that finally<br />

we have developed a conception of contract that fits what the tradition has really<br />

been about.<br />

4 What Constitutions Do<br />

.............................................................................<br />

To achieve justice and social order we must design institutions or norms to bring<br />

about just resolutions. Hence, justice is inherently a two-stage concern. It will bring<br />

about mutual advantage but the actions we take within the justice system will not<br />

each by itself necessarily bring about mutual advantage. It is the whole scheme of<br />

justice that is mutually advantageous, not its adjudications in specific cases.<br />

We might object and say that the system ought to be corrected and overridden<br />

when it does not produce the more mutually advantageous outcome in a particular<br />

case. Rawls (1955) demolishes such views in his argument that we create an institution,<br />

whosedesigndeterminestherolesofindividualswithinit,andtheserolesdetermine

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