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ECONOMY

Weingast - Wittman (eds) - Handbook of Political Ecnomy

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990 politics and scientific enquiry<br />

failure to exploit these opportunities may be traced to the presence of prohibitive<br />

transactions costs barriers.<br />

The normative implications are clear; participants in the economy will be able to<br />

secure more of that which they separately value if barriers to possible exchanges are<br />

removed or reduced. Particular focus is to be placed on the facilitation of exchanges<br />

in legal rights to undertake or to prevent activities, often treated as beyond the conventional<br />

nexus of exchange in goods and services. The implications of the Coasian<br />

analytical thrust for the development of a science of politics are largely indirect. To<br />

the extent that the exchange or market nexus can be extended by the clarification<br />

of rights and improved enforcement of contracts, any value-based argument for<br />

politicization or collectivization becomes less convincing. On the other hand, the<br />

argument for collective or political provision of protective state services, those that<br />

involve guarantees of freedom to enter and exit exchanges, along with protection<br />

of person and property and enforcement of voluntary contracts, is strengthened. In<br />

the idealized setting that may be inferred from the Coasian analytical structure, the<br />

protective state would be strong, and the productive state would be quite limited in<br />

scope. 7<br />

10 Wicksell and the Unanimity<br />

Benchmark<br />

.............................................................................<br />

Knut Wicksell’s seminal contribution was written well before the twentieth-century<br />

developments in welfare economics and in public choice (Wicksell 1896). His interest<br />

was in extending the analytical framework of neoclassical economic theory,<br />

which he had been instrumental in constructing, to the public or collective sector<br />

of economic interaction. Wicksell started from the presumption that members of<br />

an organized polity, through their representative agents, will seek to secure values<br />

potentially promised by shared goods and services. But how will the collective action<br />

be organized when the costs of providing such goods and services necessarily involve<br />

distributional considerations? Wicksell was under no delusion to the effectthatrepresentative<br />

agents seek out some general or public interest rather than that of their own<br />

constituents. And he stressed that majority voting in legislative assemblies contained<br />

no protection against exploitation of minorities and no guarantee that the aggregate<br />

benefits of collective action exceed the costs.<br />

How could the decision structure be constructed so as to ensure that the values<br />

promised by shared goods and services could be secured in such fashion to ensure<br />

that all members of the sharing group receive net gains? How could both economic<br />

efficiency and justice be guaranteed? These questions made it necessary for Wicksell<br />

⁷ For an explicit discussion of the distinction between the protective and productive state, see<br />

Buchanan 1975.

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