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Blurred intergovernmental responsibilities affect cooperative governance<br />

The unclear allocation of responsibilities to national, provincial and city governments blurs accountability<br />

and affects development coordination across government spheres and sectors. This is most notable in<br />

relation to devolved powers such as housing, energy, transport, land, water and spatial planning. It<br />

also creates local expectations that <strong>cities</strong> find difficult to meet because “communities may demand<br />

answers from councillors regarding policing issues, education, housing subsidies, identity documents<br />

and pensions, while the Constitution locates competence over these issues with national and provincial<br />

governments concurrently” (de Visser, 2010b: 50).<br />

In addition to creating expectations and being contrary to the principles of cooperative governance,<br />

in practice national and provincial spheres of government tend to define priorities, which means that<br />

“councils have only limited power and discretionary resources to address their own priorities – as<br />

identified by their citizens”. 3 This disconnect – between what <strong>cities</strong> can do with the resources available<br />

to them, and what citizens’ expect from them – is often a reason for popular local anger, dissatisfaction<br />

and rising service delivery protests.<br />

Section 154 of the Constitution obliges national and provincial governments to “support and<br />

strengthen the capa<strong>cities</strong> of municipalities to manage their own affairs, to exercise their powers and<br />

to perform their functions”. However, the intergovernmental fiscal, planning and delivery processes<br />

and mandates are poorly aligned. The Cabinet cluster system, which was introduced to improve policy<br />

implementation by bringing together different spheres and linked departments, also does not appear<br />

to be effective. The IGR system is inherently weak on accountability because it does not link incentives<br />

and sanctions to performance. Cases in point are integrated transport, housing, energy and<br />

infrastructure. Although <strong>cities</strong>, as the implementing sphere, have some control over ensuring better<br />

coordination and alignment of interventions, they do not always have the finance, capacity or skills to<br />

deliver what has often been decided at national level.<br />

Uncertainties arise across the IGR system as a result of the devolution or non-devolution of functions,<br />

which raises the question of “who should make urban policy decisions, and be held accountable for<br />

urban development outcomes” (Savage, 2013: 11). Legislation, such the National Housing Act and the<br />

National Land Transportation Act, does not provide guidelines or deadlines on the delegations. As a<br />

result, policy is worked out without thinking through the complexities of implementation within city<br />

spaces, and national and provincial departments sometimes duplicate what <strong>cities</strong> are supposed to be<br />

doing. This duplication could be avoided if the roles and responsibilities of <strong>cities</strong>, provinces and<br />

national departments were clearly delineated.<br />

An integrated approach is needed because governing <strong>cities</strong> is complex. Integrated service delivery<br />

demands functional, operational, planning and systems integration, but South Africa’s public service<br />

generally operates in functional silos. The silo mentality within and between national, provincial and<br />

3 Mail & Guardian. ‘The people rate local government’, 1 April 2011. http://mg.co.za/article/2011-04-01-the-people-rate-local-government<br />

210 State of South African Cities Report 2016

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