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A House with Two Rooms - The Advocates for Human Rights

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that rich in<strong>for</strong>mation about the diaspora experience was being left out. This necessitated<br />

adjustment to the substantive questions asked during interviews. Extensive background<br />

interviews and group interviews also helped fill in the gap. This data collection focused on<br />

examining diaspora community dynamics and the interaction of Liberians in the diaspora <strong>with</strong><br />

systems and communities where they had settled. This in<strong>for</strong>mation, which proved important<br />

in conceptualizing recommendations <strong>for</strong> reconciliation <strong>with</strong>in the diaspora itself, was not<br />

captured through the initial statement taking process.<br />

2. Multiple logistical models <strong>for</strong> statement taking were required to meet the varying<br />

needs of Liberian communities in the diaspora. <strong>The</strong> <strong>Advocates</strong> adopted three main<br />

logistical models <strong>for</strong> statement taking that were used as appropriate in the different project<br />

locations. First, a legal clinic model, in which statement givers could walk in <strong>for</strong> appointments<br />

to meet <strong>with</strong> statement takers at certain designated times, was piloted in Minnesota. Although<br />

it met <strong>with</strong> limited success in Minnesota, the model worked well in Ghana, where word spread<br />

quickly through a small, dense community. <strong>The</strong> clinic model was also successful in Philadelphia<br />

and other cities where a clinic was set up <strong>for</strong> a one-time statement taking opportunity. Second,<br />

an individual appointment model was more successful in communities where Liberians lived<br />

at further distances from each other, such as in the United Kingdom or Washington, DC/<br />

Maryland. Finally, a door-to-door model operated well in communities where there was a<br />

large concentration of Liberians living in a single apartment complex, neighborhood, or other<br />

discrete area. In these areas, as in Liberia, volunteers went door-to-door explaining the process<br />

and offering to document experiences <strong>for</strong> the TRC that very day.<br />

3. Multiple process models <strong>for</strong> offering statement taking were required to meet the<br />

varying needs of statement givers in the Diaspora. While the individual, signed statement<br />

of experiences and recommendations to the TRC was the staple method of gathering<br />

in<strong>for</strong>mation <strong>for</strong> the Liberian TRC, several other processes were employed to reach out<br />

to those who were not com<strong>for</strong>table presenting their individual statements as part of the<br />

official historical record of the TRC. Offering anonymous statements was an important<br />

part of getting many individuals who had safety or immigration concerns in the diaspora<br />

to participate. Group discussions were held around the United States and in Ghana, and the<br />

comments from Liberians were documented as part of the TRC record. This process allowed<br />

<strong>for</strong> in<strong>for</strong>mation to be documented while at the same time minimizing the individual focus and<br />

allowing participants to support each other through discussion. Finally, <strong>The</strong> <strong>Advocates</strong>’ staff<br />

and volunteers conducted background interviews <strong>with</strong> Liberians around the United States<br />

and the United Kingdom to fill in gaps in in<strong>for</strong>mation gathered during the statement taking<br />

process.<br />

4. Liberians in the diaspora were sensitive to questions about their tribe/ethnicity and<br />

about the status of their children. <strong>The</strong> process of interviewing Liberians to document<br />

their statements was first tested in Minnesota <strong>with</strong> members of the advisory committee and<br />

592

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