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A House with Two Rooms - The Advocates for Human Rights

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<strong>with</strong> others who volunteered to participate. <strong>The</strong> <strong>for</strong>ms initially used mirrored very closely<br />

the <strong>for</strong>ms used in Liberia. During the pilot testing, it became clear that diaspora Liberians<br />

viewed questions about their tribal/ethnic identity as a political issue. Although this question<br />

was included in the final statement taking <strong>for</strong>ms, statement takers made clear to statement<br />

givers that they could choose not to respond if they wished. Moreover, pilot testing revealed<br />

that Liberians in the United States had concerns about discussing the number and status of<br />

their children, possibly owing to immigration concerns. After much negative feedback, this<br />

question was deleted from the final <strong>for</strong>ms used in the diaspora.<br />

5. Combatants who remained in refugee camps were more willing to participate in<br />

the statement giving process than were combatants who had been resettled in the<br />

United States. Almost no <strong>for</strong>mer combatants came <strong>for</strong>ward to provide statements to the<br />

TRC in the United States or in the United Kingdom. In contrast, <strong>for</strong>mer combatants made<br />

up an important part of the statement giver pool in the Buduburam refugee settlement.<br />

Given the immigration policy climate in the United States in particular, this discrepancy is<br />

not surprising. Admitted participation in an armed rebel group is an admission that can have<br />

serious immigration consequences <strong>for</strong> resettled refugees and other non-citizens. Admitted<br />

participation as a combatant can have consequences <strong>for</strong> refugees in the West African subregion<br />

as well; thus, immigration consequences alone cannot explain this difference. Former<br />

combatants in the United States and United Kingdom chose not to take advantage of the<br />

anonymous statement option. Ultimately, this difference may be attributable to the feasibility<br />

of targeted outreach. Whereas in Ghana, <strong>for</strong>mer combatants – child soldiers in particular –<br />

have <strong>for</strong>med their own support organization and are a readily identifiable group, no similar<br />

support network has been established in the United States. When community members were<br />

asked to assist <strong>with</strong> identifying <strong>for</strong>mer combatants who might want to participate in the TRC<br />

process, there was extreme reluctance to do so.<br />

Public Hearings<br />

1. Witnesses who participated in the public hearings process reported it as a positive<br />

experience. While retraumatization is a major concern in TRC public hearings, witnesses who<br />

participated in the Diaspora Public Hearings did not report such retraumatization. Telephone<br />

follow-up was conducted <strong>with</strong> each witness in the weeks following the public hearings, and<br />

feedback was unexpectedly positive. Some witnesses did, however, express concern that they<br />

were unable to fully discuss all the topics they would have liked because of a lack of time.<br />

Others expressed frustration that certain questions were not explored <strong>with</strong> other witnesses.<br />

Using Pro bono Resources to Support the TRC in the Diaspora<br />

2. Leveraging pro bono resources was a largely successful model to create a labor <strong>for</strong>ce<br />

<strong>for</strong> a TRC in the diaspora, in the United States and in the United Kingdom. Non<br />

593<br />

Appendix G

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