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6. FINDINGS<br />

limited to the practical values of conceptualization, communication,<br />

management, and cooperation.<br />

In the particular case of Latin abstract terms, Miller (1997: 245) suggests that, in<br />

ME, their use might sometimes have had stylistic motivations rather than being the result<br />

of the absence of an equivalent in OE. In a similar vein, Blake (2008 [1992]b: 507) points<br />

out that “Latin words may well carry far more connotation than English words, which were<br />

not associated with particular contexts or themes.” It seems that, in ME, a preference for<br />

Romance nominalizations may have existed in certain contexts in the sense that they<br />

appear more “professional” or “specific.” This trend might have been maintained during<br />

the EModE period. In texts intended for learned audiences such as the surgeon collective<br />

or specialist physicians, Romance nominalizations can be used more freely, since it is<br />

expected that they will be easily understood. Furthermore, these Romance nominalizations<br />

“may lose its functionality and become associated with and a marker of a particular style<br />

or register” (Cowie 2000: 182, see also Halliday 1993: 68).<br />

6.3.2. Variation in the verbal bases of nominalizations according to audience<br />

This section analyzes the kind of bases that were used in the formation of nominalizations<br />

in the medical categories in order to test for lexical richness. The lexical richness of a text<br />

is usually defined as “a function of the number of types in relation to tokens” (Broeder,<br />

Extra and van Hout 1989: 89-90). Lexical richness is closely related to the kind of<br />

audience, because the more learned the audience, the richer the lexicon they can handle.<br />

Table 21 gives an overview of the number of bases, or types, found for different audiences,<br />

and Table 22 focuses on the bases specific to a particular kind of audience.<br />

218

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