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7. CONCLUSIONS AND SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH<br />

obligatory. Sleeman and Brito (2010), despite accepting much of the theoretical model<br />

proposed by Alexiadou, criticized her for sticking to the event versus result nominals<br />

dichotomy proposed by Grimshaw (1990).<br />

Section 3.3 analyzed the main dependents of action nominalizations. As a means of<br />

classifying them, they have been divided into pre-head dependents (cf. Section 3.3.1) and<br />

post-head dependents (cf. Section 3.3.2) following Fanego’s (1996) model. The items<br />

found in pre-head position were usually determiners, possessives (not only pronouns but<br />

also genitive NPs), adjectives, nouns and adverbs. Determiners and possessives occupy a<br />

major role in the literature. It has been claimed (cf. Grimshaw 1990) that only the definite<br />

article can fill the determiner slot with action nouns. However, more recently Heyvaert<br />

(2000) argued that the indefinite article, the zero determiner and quantifiers such as no,<br />

some, and any among others, can also appear with action nominalizations. As for the<br />

possessive slot, in English it can be filled either by possessive determiners or PossPs. In<br />

contemporary –ing nominals, this possessive represents the subject of the clause (cf.<br />

Fanego 1998). However in earlier use it can also marginally represent the object (see<br />

Jespersen 1940 [1909] V: §§9.2.2-4; Tajima 1985a: 42-5; Visser 1963-1973: §§1105-6).<br />

Section 3.3.2 analyzed post-head dependents. The literature revealed that they were<br />

usually of-PPs and by-phrases, and to a lesser extent other PPs as well as sentential<br />

complements. Of-PPs were presented, together with possessives, as the two English forms<br />

for expressing genitive meaning. Although they are not completely identical, some<br />

overlapping exists between these two forms. In some cases only one construction is<br />

adequate, and this adequacy is determined by a number of structural and semantic<br />

231

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