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3. NOMINAL COMPLEMENTATION AND ARGUMENT STRUCTURE<br />

their inability to modify verbs. Other adverbs such as moreover or nevertheless modify<br />

clauses, but they are unable to modify verbs or adjectives. Finally, adverbs such as only or<br />

even can combine with content clauses and non-idiomatic PPs, as in (76a) and (76b)<br />

below. To make the picture even more complicated, there exist adverbs that are<br />

homonymous with adjectives, and pairs in which the difference in meaning is very little or<br />

null (see [77] and [78] below).<br />

(76) a. I regret [only that I couldn’t do more to help].<br />

b. They open [even on Christmas Day].<br />

(77) a. She’s a hard worker.<br />

b. She works hard.<br />

(78) a. The wrong decision<br />

b. He guessed wrong.<br />

c. He acted wrongly (Pullum and Huddleston 2002a: 567-568).<br />

3.3.2. Post-head dependents<br />

The most common dependents of nominalizations in post-head position are PPs, especially<br />

of-PPs and by-phrases, and to a lesser extent other PPs, as well as NPs and sentential<br />

complements. They are analyzed in further detail in what follows.<br />

3.3.2.1. Of-PPs<br />

As pointed out by Koptjevskaja-Tamm (1993) (see also Section 3.3.1.2 above), English is<br />

a rare example of a language which has two formally distinct genitives (PossPs and of-<br />

PPs) occupying two different ‘genitive’ positions within an NP. As a consequence, the<br />

agent and the patient are marked differently. Although there is some overlapping between<br />

the PossP and the of-PP (the Saxon genitive and the of-genitive in Kopjevskaja-Tamm’s<br />

terminology), they do not have exactly identical functions. Quirk et al. (1985: 321) discuss<br />

these at length. With general nouns, in many cases both forms are acceptable because of<br />

their similarity in meaning. Take, for instance, examples (79a) and (79b) below.<br />

76

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