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Volu m e II - Purdue University Calumet

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een able to interpret and broaden the meaning of Jewish texts—feminist Jews have been<br />

able to fill gaps in Biblical stories to create discussion within the Torah (pg 79). When<br />

Plaskow talked about women doing theology, she listed critique, recovery, and<br />

construction as useful tools for discussing Judaism from a feminist standpoint:<br />

1. Critique: Plaskow said that the first step was to critique sacred texts,<br />

theories, and assumptions about masculinity and feminity.<br />

2. Recovery: She then said to recover the lost women through research to<br />

provide stories and show that women made important contributions to<br />

Judaism but had been forgotten (pg 66).<br />

3. Construction: Her final phase consisted of expanding Jewish theory<br />

from the perspective of women’s experience and feminist point of<br />

view. And, as always, check back.<br />

IV.<br />

Ali<br />

A. In her book, Kecia Ali’s focus was on ethics and inequality surrounding marriage, sexuality,<br />

dower, and divorce as it had been treated traditionally in legal scholarship in Islam, with<br />

emphasis on mutuality, reciprocity, and meaningful consent within marriage. She<br />

explained these as important to creating an egalitarian marriage. As an American Muslim,<br />

she put most of her focus on Islamic tradition in the West. Given the limits on time, I will<br />

concentrate on sexuality and dower. In Islam, dower is the a sum of money given to the<br />

wife after consummation of the marriage so that in the event of divorce or the husband’s<br />

death, she would have economic stability. I discuss these issues because of the connections<br />

between the practice of dower and the implications it has on female sexuality.<br />

B. In Islamic tradition, the wife is expected to remarry after a marriage ends, to provide a<br />

more steady income. Even though it enforces male-led households and heterosexuality,<br />

dower gives women some economic independence. This practice improved the status of<br />

Muslim women during a time when women were not supposed to have any sort of income.<br />

Contemporary Muslim scholars also link dower to the financial support men are required<br />

to provide their wives: the male figure earns a living and the female figure tends to the<br />

home and family. Men and women are expected to stay in their traditional roles of the<br />

financial support and the emotional support, respectively.<br />

C. Other than providing the wife with funds in case she finds herself without a husband,<br />

dower also guarantees the wife’s sexual availability to her husband (pg 4). Islamic legal<br />

tradition stresses the importance of male sexual need. The wife is obligated to make herself<br />

sexually available to him whenever he demands, but not the reverse (pg 9). Ali stated that<br />

most Islamic jurists interpreted the husband’s financial support of his wife as an exchange<br />

for her sexual availability and if she were to withhold sex, it would be acceptable for him to<br />

in turn withhold his support (pg 11). It is widely understood that sex is a “male right and a<br />

female duty” (pg 13).<br />

D. Ali stated that classical Islamic texts regarding dower had roots in slavery and ownership of<br />

women. If a man owned a woman, a sexual relationship with her was acceptable in the eyes<br />

of Islam. These texts made sex between a man and his slave legitimate and also permitted<br />

concubines. Concubines are women who live with a man but have lower status than his<br />

wife or wives. Ali said, “slaveholding fundamentally shaped the contours of Islamic ethical<br />

and legal thought on sex in ways that have not fully been recognized” (pg xvi).<br />

Contemporary Muslims are not always aware of the connection between dower and<br />

classical Islamic texts regarding slavery. Ali argued that while this model of sexual ethics<br />

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