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UNESCO Ancient Civilizations of Africa (Editor G. Mokhtar)

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Introduction to the later prehistory <strong>of</strong> sub-Saharan <strong>Africa</strong><br />

has even suggested that the flying gallop attitude <strong>of</strong> the horses has links<br />

with the Aegean area. Connah 36 has postulated that as iron working is late,<br />

around +500 at Daima, near Lake Chad, which is situated on the<br />

likely corridor route from the Nile valley, iron must have come from the<br />

north; otherwise one would expect to find evidence <strong>of</strong> iron technology<br />

earlier in the Chad area than in the Jos area. Other relatively early<br />

dates for iron working come from Ghana, Hani (+80) and Senegal. It<br />

is just as possible, <strong>of</strong> course, to suggest that iron working could have come<br />

from North <strong>Africa</strong> via Mauretania in the trail <strong>of</strong> the copper workers and<br />

spread along the Sudanic belt westwards and southwards, though in that<br />

case the dates should be earlier in Senegal and Mauretania than in Nigeria.<br />

It is <strong>of</strong> course possible to suggest multiple lines <strong>of</strong> influence bringing iron<br />

working to tropical <strong>Africa</strong> with a line to Mauretania from the Maghreb,<br />

another across the Sahara to Nigeria and a third one across the Red Sea<br />

to Ethiopia, as well as others via the east coast from the Red Sea area,<br />

India or south-east Asia to East <strong>Africa</strong>.<br />

The suggestion has recently been made that iron working may have<br />

developed indigenously in <strong>Africa</strong>. A strong proponent <strong>of</strong> this view is<br />

C. A. Diop 37 who is supported by Dr Wai Andah in Chapter 24 <strong>of</strong> the<br />

present volume. The main argument in favour <strong>of</strong> indigenous development<br />

is that for far too long archaeologists have looked for evidence <strong>of</strong> iron<br />

working based on the Mediterranean model whereas iron in <strong>Africa</strong> may<br />

have been worked rather differently. Iron smelting requires high temperatures<br />

(up to ii50°C to turn the ore into a bloom compared to noo°C<br />

for the actual melting-point <strong>of</strong> copper), and it also requires a knowledge<br />

<strong>of</strong> the chemistry in so far as iron is the result <strong>of</strong> carbon and oxygen to the<br />

ores being smelted. Those who argue in favour <strong>of</strong> a single origin for<br />

iron working adduce evidence that this specialized knowledge developed<br />

as a result <strong>of</strong> experience in copper and in the kiln firing <strong>of</strong> pottery. They<br />

further argue that chronology is on their side in that there is abundant<br />

evidence for iron working in Anatolia in the early second millennium before<br />

our era, whereas it is scarce outside western Asia until the turn <strong>of</strong> the first<br />

millennium before our era. The proponents <strong>of</strong> the indigenous development<br />

theory, however, argue that knowledge <strong>of</strong> smelting could have been<br />

obtained through the experience <strong>of</strong> pot firingin pits and that the surface<br />

lateritic ores <strong>of</strong> <strong>Africa</strong> were easier to work than the hard rock ores <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Middle East. It is further suggested that as many <strong>of</strong> the early sites for iron<br />

technology in West <strong>Africa</strong>, such as those associated with the Nok culture<br />

or in Upper Volta, are associated with stone tools then the possibility must<br />

remain open that iron working took place in predominantly late stone age<br />

contexts.<br />

The apparently recent kilns which are now being investigated in the<br />

36. G. Connah, 1969a, pp. 30-62.<br />

37. C. A. Diop, 1968, pp. 10-38.<br />

545

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