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valuable commercial opportunities offered by frontage on a major avenue. 12 Maiuri's vision of a<br />

low-ranking commercial class invading the city during the mid first century A.D. and gutting the<br />

facades of once-noble houses with humble shops has been shown a fallacy. Wallace-Hadrill has<br />

convincingly demonstrated that the urban elite, if not themselves thoroughly engaged in<br />

commerce, were at least not segregated from the commercial activity of others. The elite and<br />

merchants or craftsmen were mutually dependent in social, economic, and political terms. 13<br />

(2) (Work)shop-houses 14<br />

This category consists of buildings in which commercial, industrial and residential<br />

activities are architecturally intertwined. 15 They may be defined either as (work)shops with a<br />

clear residential component, or houses with a significant industrial or commercial component.<br />

These properties have no standard architectural form, no limits on their size or number of rooms,<br />

and have been described as 'irregular' or 'non canonical'. 16<br />

(Work)shop-houses do have, however, two distinguishing features. First, a single<br />

entrance serves both the (work)shop and house; this entrance is generally wide, like the<br />

(work)shops of the preceding category. If the entrance is narrow, it opens directly into a node in<br />

the form of a court or garden; (work)shop-houses rarely have fauces. 17 The form of the entrance<br />

is a strong clue to the form and function of the building:<br />

12 Only houses I.6.4, I.7.1, I.7.2-3 along these major streets do not have part of their width taken up by<br />

(work)shops or eating establishments along the street; furthermore, the double entrance of I.7.2-3 puts in<br />

doubt whether some small commercial activity did not take place at entrance #2.<br />

13 Wallace-Hadrill 1994, 125-142, 175-186; Wallace-Hadrill 1991a. Recent work (Pirson 1994) has confirmed<br />

that the (work)shops built into the facades of even the grandest houses of Pompeii such as the Insula<br />

Arriana Polliana (VI.6) were planned into its second century B.C construction.<br />

14 Examples of (work)shop-houses from the study sample include: I.6.7, I.6.8-9, I.7.5, I.7.16, I.7.18, I.8.10,<br />

I.8.12, I.8.13, I.9.9, I.9.10, I.10.1. Two properties are nominally included in this category but are not included<br />

in the statistical summary because they lack an identifiable residential component. I.8.19 (an officina<br />

tinctoria)and I.9.15 are properties located underneath the peristyle space of large houses I.8.1-3 and I.9.1-2<br />

respectively. Neither building has been completely excavated, and neither has shown any evidence for<br />

cooking or eating facilities. These properties seem to have been used solely for manufacturing purposes, not<br />

for habitation. Neither will be considered in any analyses in this chapter.<br />

15 Wallace-Hadrill warns: "Modern boundaries of work versus residence, business versus leisure,<br />

dissolve...in the Roman house. Any analysis that attempts to distinguish the residential units of Pompeii<br />

from commercial or industrial ones must founder on this objection." I do not deny the interrelationship<br />

between residential and non-residential activities in almost any building in Pompeii, but I do believe that in<br />

most cases it is possible to distinguish architecturally between buildings dedicated primarily to residence,<br />

and those significantly and publically dedicated to commerce or industry.<br />

16 Pompei - L'Informatica 1988 lists these types of buildings in its gazetteer under the heading: "Abitazione<br />

di tipo non codificato. Impianto commerciale a destinazione incerta."<br />

17 The exception is the officina scriptoria at I.7.16, which possesses a fauces.<br />

120

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