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KITCHENS AND DINING ROOMS AT POMPEII ... - Get a Free Blog

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"The symbolic contrast between "noble" patronage and "sordid" trade was made<br />

visible even in the nature of the openings that linked the house to the street<br />

outside: the narrow opening, artificially emphasized by the long corridor of the<br />

fauces, that leads to the atrium is designed to exclude and to mark the privilege<br />

of one who approaches for dignified purposes; whereas the wide opening of the<br />

taberna throws open the space inside and vulgarly displays its contents,<br />

promiscuously accessible except when the shutters are drawn against thieves at<br />

night." 18<br />

Entrances broadcast critical information that allowed people to distinguish shops that could be<br />

entered freely from houses that required invitation. A link between entrance type and building<br />

category is confirmed by houses that were transformed into (work)shop-houses in their last<br />

period of use. The original fauces and side room(s) of both I.6.7 (converted into a fullonica) and<br />

I.6.8-9 (converted probably into a diner) were completely removed, in favor of open shop<br />

frontages along the street. Both buildings retained the atrium and colonnaded garden that help<br />

identify their original role as houses.<br />

A second feature of (work)shop-houses is that (like houses) some part of their interior<br />

space is left open to the sky. Simple (work)shops have no interior open space. The larger size of<br />

these buildings doubtless required an additional lighting source for rooms far from the street.<br />

(Work)shop-houses do not fall into a neat statistical group; the very terms of their<br />

definition ensure that they do not conform to architectural or dimensional templates (Table 3.2,<br />

Figs. 2.2, 3.1). For the record, they average 196.6 m 2 (range 85.4-356.9 m 2 ), and 10.9 spaces (range<br />

6-18). There are four smaller examples (mean 115.9 m 2 ) whose domestic components are more<br />

obvious than their commercial functions. 19 Nearly twice as large on average (mean 228.6 m 2 ) are<br />

three officinae that all have identifiable cooking spaces and sleeping quarters. 20 Of the three<br />

largest (mean 301.7 m 2 ), two were converted from medium-sized houses. 21 (Work)shop-houses<br />

had an estimated population of 3-8 persons (see above, n. 11). There is little pattern to their<br />

distribution; I.6.7, I.6.8-9 and I.7.5 front the Via dell'Abbondanza, and there is a small commercial<br />

concentration at the northeast corner of insula I.10 (I.7.16, I.7.18, I.10.1). The remainder line minor<br />

streets in insulae I.8-9.<br />

18 Wallace-Hadrill 1994, 118, drawing upon the work of Laurence 1994, esp. 88-121.<br />

19 I.7.5, I.7.18, I.9.9, I.10.1. Finds of bowls of pigments in I.9.9 suggest that this was an officina pigmentaria,<br />

producing paints for scriptores such as those headquartered at I.7.16.<br />

20 I.7.16 is an officina scriptoria, I.8.10 was an officina vasaria before the A.D. 62 earthquake, and I.8.13 is an<br />

officina of uncertain production. All three are centered on large gardens with porticos located immediately<br />

inside the entrance to the property.<br />

21 I.6.7 and I.6.8-9. The third largest (work)shop-house, I.9.10, expanded between A.D. 62-79, adding a<br />

formal dining-room and service wing with kitchen and latrine (Berry 1993, Figs. 5-7).<br />

121

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