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offers a comprehensive, insula by insula photographic record of nearly all frescoes and<br />

pavements, and is becoming the definitive reference work to the city. 11<br />

All classes of evidence at Pompeii are considered in this thesis: architecture, art and<br />

decoration, graffiti, and finds. Architecture survives best; all buildings at the time of my<br />

inspection had been largely cleared of vegetation and some of their architecture had been<br />

consolidated. 12 Other types of evidence are problematic. The brilliant frescoes which once<br />

adorned many walls are gone; some were removed at the time of excavation to the Naples<br />

Museum, and others have since faded from sight. Many floors have been covered over with a<br />

layer of gray lava chips, and are not visible. Statuary and furniture have, in most cases, been<br />

removed from the buildings. Graffiti and dipinti give tantalizing but largely unreliable clues to<br />

the identities and social status of the owners or occupants of some buildings. 13 Finds for<br />

approximately 30% of the sample houses have been published in detail. 14<br />

Connecting patterns in the archaeological data with patterns of domestic behavior is a<br />

challenge; Pompeian households and their houses were messy, continuously being rebuilt, and<br />

reorganized or reused according to the many variables outlined in chapter one. As Berry has<br />

stated, "...change is a normal part of domestic life and...the use of space in the home is always a<br />

developing phenomenon." 15 She argues that "rebuilding is renewing the environment", and that<br />

the A.D. 62 earthquake did not prevent most Pompeians from continuing their domestic lives. 16<br />

Allison has offered an opposing view, stressing the widespread abandonment and<br />

dilapidation of residences in the years between A.D. 62-79. She assumes that kitchens lacking<br />

cooking vessels were not operating in A.D. 79, and that such houses were abandoned or reduced<br />

in occupation. 17 Allison argues that cooking wares were not valuable enough to have been either<br />

saved by fleeing householders, or recovered later by survivors. If kitchens were being used, then<br />

11 Pompeii: Pitture e Mosaici (PPM I-IV); Regiones I-VI are available. This series is the partial publication of a<br />

comprehensive list of photographic evidence for all regions of Pompeii published in the three volumes of:<br />

Pitture e Pavimenti di Pompei (PPP I-III).<br />

12 This process of cleaning and restoration began in the mid-1980s as a result of the 1980 earthquake and<br />

continues today, with the inevitable but necessary alteration of the monuments themselves. See<br />

Rediscovering Pompeii 1990, 11 and Progetto Pompei 1988.<br />

13 Common names for houses in the samples rely largely on Della Corte's (1954) assignation of individuals<br />

and families to various buildings, but I have avoided using epigraphic evidence as positive proof of<br />

residents' identities. Castrèn (1975) and Mouritsen (1988) have shown that neither Della Corte's methods<br />

nor his results can be substantiated. See also Lepore 1950.<br />

14 Finds were available from twenty-two of the seventy-five sample houses: I.4.5+25 (Dwyer 1982); I.6.4,<br />

I.6.8-9; I.6.11, I.6.13, I.6.15, I.7.7, I.7.10-12, I.7.19, I.10.4, I.10.7, I.10.8, I.10.11 (Allison 1992b); the nine houses of<br />

I.9 (Berry 1993). Allison (1992b) and Berry (1993) have pioneered the reconstruction of domestic contexts for<br />

artifactual assemblages. Allison (pp. 12-39) gives an account of the problems in such reconstructions.<br />

15 Berry 1993, 4.<br />

16 Berry 1994.<br />

17 Allison 1992b, 92-93. But see Berry 1993, 80-83.<br />

60

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