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and the company of a lovely girl. 228 Judging by the (male) literature, men's reasons for female<br />

company at banquets primarily concerned the opportunity of love, or at least sexual relations. 229<br />

Women of both high and low status were depicted as prizes at the table, taken by powerful<br />

figures like emperors sometimes even from their own husbands. 230 Thus the precepts written on<br />

the dining room walls of the Casa del Moralista at Pompeii advise guests not to make eyes at<br />

other men's wives. 231 There was a clear connection between food and sex; one course at some<br />

dinners was the women themselves. 232 Women were also known to entertain banqueters in the<br />

roles of mimes, dancers, singers and musicians. 233 Despite the few and biased sources, there is<br />

no doubt that many women enjoyed formal dinners in the company of men. Only the nature and<br />

degree of their participation seems to have differed, according to their rank and status.<br />

Rank and status<br />

Rank was socio-political standing, given initially by birthright. In the Imperial Roman<br />

world, rank ranged from the emperor, to senators, to equestrians, to free citizens, freedpersons,<br />

and finally down to slaves. Promotion in rank was possible through emancipation, election to<br />

office, or acclamation as emperor. Rank was largely a matter of ascribed prestige. Status on the<br />

other hand was a measure of power, based on achievement or influence with others of higher<br />

rank. 234 Social standing was a complex combination of these factors combined with wealth.<br />

Wallace-Hadrill has remarked: "Roman domestic architecture is obsessionally concerned<br />

with distinctions of social rank." 235 The social relations played out between people at an elite<br />

dinner always involved aspects of rank or status. A standard satirical character is the social<br />

parasite who angles for dinner invitations in the hope of gaining a standing invitation and<br />

228Catul. 13; see Gowers 1993, 229-244 for a detailed analysis of this poem.<br />

229For love affairs in the context of convivia, see Yardley 1991.<br />

230Suet. Aug. 69, Cal. 36.<br />

231CIL IV.7698; see above, p. 23.<br />

232Mart. 9.2, 5.78; Historia Augusta, Gallieni Duo, 17.7; see Gowers 1993, 252-255, 258-259. Cooks as well as<br />

servers could be connected to sex. In Apul. Met. 2.7, the female cook-slave refers to her sexual being as a<br />

brazier (foculus). See DuBois 1988, 110-129 for Greek literary depictions of women as 'ovens'. See also Mart.<br />

4.66.<br />

233Cic. Fam. 9.26; Plin. Ep. 1.15. See also Gardner 1986, 245-246.<br />

234 Definitions for rank and status follow Finley 1985, 45-61. Emperors had high rank and high status,<br />

freedpersons of the imperial court low rank but high status, and common slaves both low rank and status.<br />

The structure of social ordering was essentially pyramidal, with the few of highest status supported by an<br />

ever increasing number of ever lower status individuals. See Alföldy 1985, 146, Fig. 1 for a diagram of this<br />

social pyramid.<br />

235 Wallace-Hadrill 1988, 52.<br />

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