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Owners of larger houses lavished far more attention on their dining areas than on their cooking areas. They displayed their wealth, taste and learning at the meal not only by associating the dinner with a beautifully prepared setting, but also by disassociating the dinner from most of the cooking process. Kitchens were marginalized, separated from the sensory perception of the guests so that they noticed only the finished product, suddenly appearing at table as if from nowhere. 'Nowhere' is actually an accurate description of the cooking areas. At the end of a long corridor or at the edge of the house, kitchens had no sense of place for the visitor who could not perceive them. Only the slave and servant 'nobodies' attached to the kitchen were in a position to appreciate the food preparation. A Plautine slave describes the kitchen as "a warm place, where there are usually plenty of all good things (to eat)!" 22 Authors of elite station complain instead about the smoke, smells, and fire hazards of kitchens. 23 At least in the largest houses, the inherent social distinctions between the household staff, and the free family and their guests, are formalized in the architectural segregation of cooking from elite eating space. The link between social standing and meals is confirmed by the closer physical association between cooking and eating areas in the smallest (work)shops and houses, and by the intimate association of cooking and eating in the servants' quarters of the largest houses. Formal banqueting with invited guests in elite houses was an extension of the same simple principle that applied to the lowest of (work)shops and cookshops: food should be shared in proper company. The more socially proximate a group of individuals were, the more likely were they to eat together. Slaves, poor freedpersons and poor citizens tended to cook and eat in their own company. Slaves then served dinner in the houses of the wealthy, who shared it with their peers in a grand setting. Preparation and consumption of meals in Pompeii and the Roman world in general was a proven social barometer. Everyone at every level of society could recognize the culinary clues to the current social order: what was being eaten, how it was cooked and eaten, when it was eaten, where it was cooked and eaten, and most importantly, who was cooking and with whom the meal was shared. I have characterized cooking and dining facilities in a relatively ordinary Roman town, at the heart of the Empire, and have used that information to illuminate household social relations. A similar study of cooking and dining in provincial contexts would offer the opportunity to compare customs at the center with customs at the Imperial periphery. Did local culinary customs survive, or were they mixed with, or replaced by, Roman foods, cooking techniques, and dining practices? This may be an effective way to address the question of Romanization. 22 Pl. Per. 630-635 (see chapter two, p. 72). 23 See chapter two, pp. 74-77. 177
Introduction: definitions and format CHAPTER V GAZETTEER Fors sua cuique loco est (Ov. Fast. 4.507) The Gazetteer presents a mass of detailed evidence for cooking and dining in individual households at Pompeii. Each building is unique in its cooking and dining areas. This collection of detailed case histories illuminates the variety and complexity of Pompeian cooking and dining practices. The gazetteer provides the body of data from which large-scale trends discussed in chapter three are drawn. Ten insulae (I.4, 6-10; VII.1, 14; IX.1-2) and all buildings contained therein were sampled and personally visited at Pompeii; this sample formed the typology of cooking and dining areas presented in chapter two (Figs. 2.1-2.12). Of these ten, the six insulae with the best preserved and documented evidence (I.4, 6-10) were selected for individual treatment. Their presentation in the Gazetteer is divided into two parts (microanalysis and macroanalysis) based on the detail of their documentation. The format of the documentation is explained below. The first part of the gazetteer is a microanalysis of three insulae (I.4, I.6-I.7). Each building is given an entry that consists of five sections: Synopsis, References, Data, Synthesis, and Figures. Not every building has information listed in each section -- the extent of coverage depends upon the individual entry's array of cooking and dining areas. For example, a building with no cooking or dining areas will contain only a synopsis of any evidence for cooking and dining, references and a short list of data. The second part (macroanalysis) provides considerably less detail, but the summary information allows more buildings to be included, increasing the sample size for the large-scale analysis carried out in chapter three. The macroanalysis of insulae (I.7-10) includes an extremely brief Synopsis, References, Data (consisting only of dimensions and areas for the building, and its cooking and dining areas), and Figures. The sections for each entry in the Gazetteer follow the format and style defined below. 178
Page 1 and 2:
Doctoral Committee: KITCHENS AND DI
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"This task will become comparativel
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To my parents, Rodney and Susan, fo
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Ault, J. Berry, A. Cubberley and C.
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II. DEFINING COOKING AND DINING ARE
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27. I.7.2-3: Casa di M. Fabius Aman
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Table LIST OF TABLES 2.1 Lengths an
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1.14 Late Republican-early imperial
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2.22 Triple-arched stove sub-type (
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5.8 Detailed microanalysis plan of
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5.44 Casa del pressorio di terracot
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5.79 Casa del Sacerdos Amandus I.7.
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5.113 Casa della Statuetta Indiana
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5.151 Casa I.9.12: view E within di
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INTRODUCTION Sometimes the distance
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scholars (P. Allison, J. Berry) hav
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consumption of meals in Pompeii and
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Where is cooking and eating done? W
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dormice, deer, frogs, snails, and s
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Special foods were commonly linked
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Culinary information Methods for pr
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wooden cupboards; smaller closed ro
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Cooking techniques and instruments
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over a fire built on the ground, wi
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individual spills, and later were u
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sufficiently 'cultured' to belong t
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Our only long literary description
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When is cooking and eating done? Th
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A full, elite dinner traditionally
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himself eat under similar condition
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public as adjuncts to the state. 13
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Eating establishments On a daily ba
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occasion for frequenting taverns. E
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sitting rooms). Static spaces are u
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distinction, because the front of t
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water and fire which were required
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personal beliefs. Only in larger ho
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"Boys" (pueri) here describe childr
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and putting all the utensils in the
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thereby eventual access to a patron
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"Whether the host should arrange th
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We complimented our host on his arr
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CHAPTER II DEFINING COOKING AND DIN
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(I.4, VII.1, IX.1-2) began with the
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they should have been full of pots
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installation are listed below, alon
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to extinguish the living flame. 36
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or testum, see chapter one, p. 19-2
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Culina In an architectural sense, c
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This fourth century A.D. quote is t
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Rustics and Romans of the past are
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(truae) at Pompeii were rarely rout
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Authors constantly complain about s
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Casa dell'Efebo (I.7.10-12). 104 No
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disintegrated, leaving the top surf
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the ashes and coals were raked out,
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cenatio, Dining room. A general ter
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which is normally much smaller on a
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Varro mentions places at home and a
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Roman house, Vitruvius mentions how
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Varro's comments reveal a concern w
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a survey of 73 triclinia from the g
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In the Egyptian hall, the columns t
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all they wanted -- the smarter ones
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Bek succeeds in showing that views
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and exedrae where there is minimal
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Vitruvius stresses the need to make
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mark the division between service a
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ca. 2.12 x 1.10 m., and the small '
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House, Room Address Width Length Ho
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designed to hold dinners, but also
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propatulo) mentioned by Varro as a
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simple quantification and percentag
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numbers (see Table 3.2). At smalles
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"The symbolic contrast between "nob
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formal dining, or benches, tables a
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evidence for suites of upper-floor
Page 156 and 157: (Work)shop-house I.9.10 ST1 in KI(2
Page 158 and 159: (Work)shops (Work)shops are the onl
Page 160 and 161: type (4) (i.e. horseshoe-shaped bur
Page 162 and 163: skillets, cauldrons, jugs, terracot
Page 164 and 165: Commercial eating establishments Th
Page 166 and 167: I.4, the southwest corner of insula
Page 168 and 169: are always located near an open are
Page 170 and 171: (Work)shops No securely identifiabl
Page 172 and 173: Casa media Houses of medium size ha
Page 174 and 175: were perhaps used by the staff duri
Page 176 and 177: door that connects to the attached
Page 178 and 179: Wide doorways framed a visual table
Page 180 and 181: Commercial eating establishments De
Page 182 and 183: casa grande could one dining area b
Page 184 and 185: wares in the same front room as the
Page 186 and 187: Casa grande Larger buildings contai
Page 188 and 189: (Work)shop-houses The association o
Page 190 and 191: itual evidence is either slim or no
Page 192 and 193: association with food, and as a res
Page 194 and 195: gods, but once that meal was safely
Page 196 and 197: was usually at least one dining are
Page 198 and 199: CHAPTER IV THE SOCIO-CULTURAL ENVIR
Page 200 and 201: from actually incorporating eating
Page 202 and 203: or peristyles near dining rooms als
Page 204 and 205: illustrate this phenomenon with a s
Page 208 and 209: 1. Street address, name of building
Page 210 and 211: The categories of numeric and descr
Page 212 and 213: F. Perceptibility 12 Sight perc., K
Page 214 and 215: Gazetteer, part I: microanalysis 1.
Page 216 and 217: prepared the food and run the count
Page 218 and 219: was given a ramped threshold for ad
Page 220 and 221: Entry prox., DH•(19) to #5: 59.0
Page 222 and 223: and atria elsewhere in the house. I
Page 224 and 225: y far the most elaborate, construct
Page 226 and 227: the N and to the court (n) at the b
Page 228 and 229: D) Entry prox., HE in (a): 5.5 Entr
Page 230 and 231: storage niche in the E wall (Fig. 5
Page 232 and 233: H) Installation amenities, KI (h):
Page 234 and 235: 13. I.4.27, Popina, lunch-counter (
Page 236 and 237: Scholars generally agree however, t
Page 238 and 239: snake rises towards the niche on th
Page 240 and 241: 17. I.6.4 Casa del Sacello Iliaco,
Page 242 and 243: kiln was built half into the ground
Page 244 and 245: est of the kitchen by an E-W partit
Page 246 and 247: wall from the cryptoporticus, its f
Page 248 and 249: DR (h) lost its former function as
Page 250 and 251: were an iron cooking grill and trip
Page 252 and 253: one to run the fullery and one to l
Page 254 and 255: weather by closing off the window w
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21. I.6.10, Taberna, (work)shop (Fi
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Schefold 1957, 25-26; Della Corte 1
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237 suggests that the upper part of
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adoperato per cucina o per dispensa
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I) Decorative amenities, DR•(4):
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References Jashemski 1993, 36, 315;
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insects, efficiently recycling the
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26. I.7.1+20, Casa di P. Paquius Pr
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D) Entry prox., KI (14): 39.8 Entry
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equired. While the dining areas wer
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I) Decorative Amenities, CS in (g):
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Data A) Total area: 85.4 Nodes: 34.
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At the end of the entrance, atrium
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Synthesis DR•(b), with its fine w
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the SW corner of DR◊(4) led to a
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lighting from atrium (A") via passa
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the room seems not to have been in
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The three masonry dining-couches of
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possessed intimate motifs in a Nilo
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There are two other kitchens in the
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5.93). Elsewhere in the building, a
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and garden; rooms (6, 7) have trace
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of a neighboring house to the E was
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under the SE corner of DR•(c) cau
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The extensive evidence for renovati
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ovens. 74 It is not certain whether
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Synthesis The design of the dining
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peristyle garden (8), in the compan
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painting of popular style near the
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Data A) Total area: 211.4 Nodes: 78
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condition. A photo taken in recent
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comm.) reports that the praefurnium
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54. I.9.9, Casa, (work)shop-house (
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niched shrine was set in the W wall
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(Fig. 5.159). The kitchen was added
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collections of amphorae in (20, 34)
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64. I.10.7, Casa del Fabbro, casa m
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66. I.10.9, Taberna di P.C.F., (wor
Page 332 and 333:
70. I.10.18, Casa degli Aufidii, ca
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Bek, L. 1983: "Questiones convivale
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De Vos, M. 1976: "Scavi nuovi scono
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Farb, P. & Armelagos, G. 1980: Cons
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Hudson, N.A. 1989: "Food in Roman s
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Maiuri, A. 1954a: Pompeii, Istituto
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Pirson, F. 1994: "Rented apartments
Page 346 and 347:
Simoons, F.J. 1961: Eat not this fl
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