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KITCHENS AND DINING ROOMS AT POMPEII ... - Get a Free Blog

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CHAPTER IV<br />

THE SOCIO-CULTURAL ENVIRONMENT OF MEALS<br />

"Hattie Carroll was a maid in the kitchen<br />

she was fifty-one years old and gave birth to ten children<br />

who carried the dishes and took out the garbage<br />

and never sat once at the head of the table<br />

and didn't even talk to the people at the table<br />

who just cleaned up all the food from the table..."<br />

-- Bob Dylan, Lonesome Death of Hattie Carroll<br />

How did the activities of cooking and dining define the residential roles of household<br />

members? Kitchens and dining rooms functioned because of pots, pans, stoves, sinks, couches<br />

and tables, but they derived meaning from the personal relations amongst those who cooked,<br />

those who served, and those who ate. The spectrum of mealtime social interaction between free<br />

and slave ranged from near-integration (in the smallest homes) to segregation (in the largest<br />

homes). Rank and status were the most important determinants; the archaeological evidence<br />

does not distinguish according to either age or gender at dinner. 1 Social standing determined<br />

where one ate, from a place at table (Fig. 1.27) in a specific dining area, to a particular house (or<br />

cook-shop) in a given community. At the community level, the time, effort, space and expense<br />

spent on dinner were proportional to the socio-economic standing of the household.<br />

In the first three chapters, I described the overlapping physical, temporal, ritual and<br />

social topographies of Roman meals across the socio-economic spectrum. I defined the terms of<br />

the debate, and documented the archaeological evidence from households in six contiguous<br />

insulae (Fig. 2.2). I constructed this archaeological foundation in the hope that both the<br />

methodology and the conclusions will help structure future studies in other parts of Pompeii,<br />

other Italian cities, and the Roman world in general. In this conclusion, I summarize the<br />

archaeological evidence for how those various mealtime environments articulated and reinforced<br />

the various social positions of the participants. The synthesis begins at the community level, with<br />

the question of eating outside the home, and concludes with a focus on how the social order was<br />

linked to the environments of cooking and eating within the home.<br />

1 As the literary sources suggest; see chapter one, 45-47 (age) and 47-50 (gender).<br />

169

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