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KITCHENS AND DINING ROOMS AT POMPEII ... - Get a Free Blog

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they should have been full of pots and pans. This is not the case. In many houses, cooking wares<br />

were found in separate cabinets or storage areas. Kitchens were generally small rooms; culinary<br />

storage was often elsewhere, and utensils were brought in to cook as needed. 18 Because the<br />

eruption apparently was in full force by noon (before dinner needed to be prepared), pots and<br />

pans were never brought into most kitchens. 19 Survivors (the great majority of the population)<br />

fled in time, never fired up their kitchens, and moreover, took some cooking wares along with<br />

them. 20 Allison noticed that the small number of houses with cookwares in the kitchens tended<br />

to correlate with houses containing skeletons; she took this to indicate occupancy at the time of<br />

the eruption. 21 I offer an alternate hypothesis: the few individuals who remained over the two<br />

to three days of the eruption needed to eat -- clearly using their kitchens at least once -- and<br />

eventually died because of their delay, leaving skeletons and cookwares behind.<br />

Thus for the surviving refugees, cooking wares and food were highly valuable and worth<br />

saving because these goods enabled them to eat in the days and weeks following the eruption.<br />

Firsthand reports of the 1937 eruption of volcanoes around the town of Rabaul (Papua New<br />

Guinea) reveal that both those who fled and those who stayed in town during the eruption made<br />

preparations to feed themselves. Ash fall lasted nearly four days; those who remained through<br />

the first evening made their meals, while those who left packed personal possessions, clothes,<br />

food, portable stoves, lamps, pets, and money. 22 Food for the refugee population became an<br />

immediate concern; in fact, starvation and disease have been the largest causes of death in<br />

historically documented eruptions. 23 The aftermath of the Vesuvian eruption was probably<br />

more deadly than the event itself.<br />

18 Col. 12.3 implies that particular areas of a house were used for particular types of storage so that objects<br />

could easily be found and kept secure (see chapter one, pp. 15-16 and chapter three, pp. 153-157).<br />

19 Plin. Ep. 6.16: "Towards the seventh hour [i.e. noon] on the 24th of August, my mother pointed out to him<br />

[Pliny the Elder] a cloud of unusual size and shape"; Nonum Kal. Septembres hora fere septima mater mea indicat<br />

ei apparere nubem inusitata et magnitudine et specie (Teubner text, author's translation). Étienne 1979 describes<br />

the eruption as having begun about 10 a.m. on 24 August and ended on 26 August or the following night.<br />

See Allison 1992b, 10-12 for doubts about the traditional sequence of the eruption.<br />

20 Perhaps as Juv. 3.249-253 (p. 73, n. 83) and Mart. 12.32.11-14 (p. 66, n. 44) respectively describe a slave and<br />

a poor family carrying braziers and pots on their backs.<br />

21 Allison 1992b, 93.<br />

22 The eruption that struck Rabaul was of the same ('Plinian') type as the A.D. 79 Vesuvian eruption. See<br />

Johnson & Threlfall 1985, 59-78; pp. 68-72: "The assembled refugees 'were a motley sight' said Mr. Stewart,<br />

'some maimed and crippled -- some carrying their baskets, parrots, dogs, primus stoves, hurricane lamps,<br />

camphor boxes, etc.'; and with 'a bundle of clothes, or a little suitcase, or a kit-bag, or something with them -<br />

- or a baby', listed Brett Hilder. An elderly Chinaman carried a very heavy bucket, apparently full of<br />

potatoes, but the potatoes were only a top layer covering a hoard of coins."<br />

23 Blong 1984, 72-73, 126-131, for ther period A.D. 1600-1982. Starvation and disease have become relatively<br />

minor factors in the mortality rates of twentieth century eruptions, due to modern methods of transporting<br />

food, medical, and sanitation supplies. See also Johnson & Threlfall 1985, 79-94.<br />

61

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