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Geriatric Mental Health Disaster and Emergency Preparedness

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70 <strong>Geriatric</strong> <strong>Mental</strong> <strong>Health</strong> <strong>Disaster</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Emergency</strong> <strong>Preparedness</strong><br />

the state level for administrative <strong>and</strong> oversight expenses but are not spent<br />

for direct service. During disaster recovery, the U.S. Administration on<br />

Aging is charged with coordinating with FEMA <strong>and</strong> individual state emergency<br />

management agencies to work with recovery response agencies such<br />

as the American Red Cross.<br />

In the event of a mass displacement of individuals during a public<br />

emergency, even with prior planning efforts, experience has shown that<br />

many older individuals evacuate without appropriate medications, medication<br />

records, <strong>and</strong>/or health records. Because agencies knew that lack of<br />

health information would be a problem during the 2005 hurricane recovery<br />

efforts, the federal government suspended certain provisions of the<br />

federal privacy rule, the <strong>Health</strong> Insurance Portability <strong>and</strong> Accountability<br />

Act (HIPAA). Among other benefits, this suspension permitted the exchange<br />

of information between shelters <strong>and</strong> health care providers, which<br />

would not have been possible in other circumstances. This was particularly<br />

critical during the recovery from Katrina <strong>and</strong> Rita as entire medical<br />

offices <strong>and</strong> their medical records simply no longer existed. The American<br />

Medical Association (AMA) estimated that 5,500 physicians were displaced<br />

along with all of their patient records. Many of these physicians did<br />

not return to the area. Even physicians with electronic medical records had<br />

backed up their systems within the damaged region <strong>and</strong> therefore lost<br />

their backups as well as original records (Hurricane Katrina Community<br />

Advisory Group & Kessler, 2007).<br />

Funding at the state level does succeed in providing funds closer to<br />

the disaster impact area because states are theoretically in a better position<br />

to underst<strong>and</strong> their own local <strong>and</strong> often unique needs. A seemingly<br />

coherent federal response can quickly become fragmented in its implementation.<br />

At the state level, there are wide variations in individual laws<br />

that govern response to emergency situations. Some states utilize broad<br />

definitions of what constitutes an emergency; 41 states specifically describe<br />

what constitutes a disaster, <strong>and</strong> 38 states identify what constitutes<br />

an emergency (Hodge & Anderson, 2008). Further complicating the situation<br />

is that 27 states <strong>and</strong> the District of Columbia have definitions for<br />

what are called disasters/emergencies, as well as for public health emergencies<br />

(Hodge & Anderson).<br />

There has been an effort among states to reformulate <strong>and</strong> redefine<br />

their definition of emergency <strong>and</strong> related emergency powers to match<br />

the language provided in the Model State <strong>Emergency</strong> <strong>Health</strong> Powers Act<br />

(MSEHPA) developed in 2001 by the Centers for Law <strong>and</strong> the Public’s<br />

<strong>Health</strong> (Ridenour, Cummings, Sinclair, & Bixler, 2007; Rosenkoetter, Co-

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