the syntax and semantics of relativization and quantification

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95 complement clause. Examples like (3.76) and (3.77) show that relativization out of a complex NP is not possible in Quechua. (3.76) *[[[chura-sqa-n put.on-nm-3sg punchu] poncho qhelli dirty ka-sqa-n] be-nm-3sg runa] person ‘the man who the poncho he is wearing is dirty’ (3.77) *[ NP [ IP [ NP [ IP e i e j monta-sqa-n/monta-q] ride-nm-3sg/nm(sbj) ka-sqa-n/ka-q] [ NP runa i ]] be-nm-3sg/nm/sbj man ‘the man who [the horse that he is riding] is black’ caballo j ] suit-nom yana black Even more compellingly, neither internal nor external versions of relative clauses such as (3.78) and (3.79) in which an embedded object is relativized externally or inernally, or (3.80) and (3.81) in which an embedded subject is relativized are acceptable to speakers of Cuzco Quechua. In order to express these concepts my consultants suggested various paraphrases which do not involve relative clauses at all. 14 (3.78) *[[Juan-pa [Antonio-q [e] suwaku-sqa-n] yacha-sqa-n] Juan-gen Antonio-gen e steal-nm-3sg know-nm-3sg ‘the money that Juan knows that Antonio stole’ qulqi] money (3.79) *[[Juan-pa [Antonio-q qulqi suwaku-sqa-n] Juan-gen Antonio-gen money steal-nm-3sg ‘the money that Juan know that Antonio stole’ yacha-sqa-n]] know-nm-3sg 14 Another option is relativization involving the chay ‘that’ subordinator and fully finite embedded clauses, also mentioned in Footnote 1 of chapter 2. The form given there, repeated here in (i), was suggested as an alternative to (3.78) and (3.79). (i) Chay Juan yacha-sha-ra-n Antonio-q suwa-sqa-n qulqi-ta, dem Juan know-prog-past-3sg Antonio-gen steal-nm-3sg money- sc acc chay wasi-y-pi ka-sha-n. dem house-1sg-loc be-prog-3sg ‘The money Juan knows Antonio stole is in my house.’
96 (3.80) *[[pro pro [[e] e Lima-pi Lima-loc runa] person ‘the person who you know lives in Lima’ tiya-q/sqa-n] live-nm(subj)/nm(nonsubj)-3sg yacha-sqa-yki] know-nm-2sg (3.81) *[[pro [Runa Lima-pi tiya-q/sqa-n] pro person Lima-loc live-nm/nm-3sg ‘the person who you know lives in Lima’ yacha-sqa-yki]] know-nm(nonsubj)-2sg Given the analysis of IHRs and EHRs presented in this chapter, the unacceptability of these expressions is easily explained. Recall that the Complementizer C which is associated with head-raising (i.e. that served as a probe) must be selected directly by the external D. In the examples here, however, the embedded clause is in neither of these positions but is in fact in an argument position of the “you know...” or “Juan knows...” clause. Therefore, a head cannot move to the CP of its immediately containing clause (since this C is not a probe). Furthermore, it cannot move to the CP of the relative clause because it is trapped in an embedded clause island. Note that in order to rule out successive cyclic movement it is crucial that head-raising is an operation specifically licensed by the probe in the C head selected by D. In other words the probe which I have called a [uwh] feature on C cannot be identical to the [uwh] probe on main clause complementizers in languages with overt wh-movement in English. 15 In fact, this seems intuitively reasonable based on the discussion so far since movement of the head involves movement of an un- Casemarked element, while traditional wh-movement always involves movement of a Case-marked category (A’ movement). Furthermore, the external heads are ruled out for two reasons. First, the external head does not bear a direct pragmatic relationship to the less-embedded clause, 15 The availability of wh- movement in Quechua is unclear. Cole & Hermon [1981, 1994], argue for it while [Lefebvre & Muysken 1982, 1988] argue that the observed phenomenon is simply a generic fronting process available to a wide variety of categories.
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THE SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF RELATIV
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THE SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF RELATIV
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Biographical Sketch Rachel Hastings
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Acknowledgements When I entered the
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through valuable courses and commen
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I have also been the beneficiary of
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Table of Contents 1 Introduction 1
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5 Existential and Possessive Senten
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List of Abbreviations abl=ablative
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2 The most immediate puzzle of Quec
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4 the availability of slightly diff
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6 goal to the probe H. The detailed
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8 1.3 Background on Quechua This se
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10 1.3.2 Morphosyntax In this secti
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12 that complement clauses exhibit
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14 used is a combination of traditi
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16 tactically, it poses a challenge
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18 (2.4) DP ✟ ✟✟ ✟ ❍❍
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20 clause (specifically, she sugges
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22 2.2.3 Culy 1990 Culy [1990] prov
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24 To explain this phenomenon, Basi
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26 function g c assigns to the inde
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28 Since Quechua allows a great dea
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30 Table 2.1: Cuzco Quechua Quantif
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32 head. Furthermore, these sentenc
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34 basic syntactic analysis given h
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36 something about pisi which induc
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38 (2.41) LF head-raising in (2.40)
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40 (2.42) Kayne’s head-raising ap
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42 In general, other weak and stron
Page 61 and 62: 44 as an example. This sentence is
Page 63 and 64: 46 Note that the matrix clause dist
Page 65 and 66: 48 some English consultants find th
Page 67 and 68: 50 However, -nka may not appear on
Page 69 and 70: 52 EHR sentence (2.61) is the stron
Page 71 and 72: Chapter 3 The Syntax of Head-Raisin
Page 73 and 74: 56 Note that for a head-raising ana
Page 75 and 76: 58 (3.7) Juan-pa wasi-n Juan-gen ho
Page 77 and 78: 60 which show a subject internal he
Page 79 and 80: 62 (3.26) [[Rumi stone riku-sqa-y]
Page 81 and 82: 64 The tree in (3.30) shows the S-s
Page 83 and 84: 66 Bianchi suggests that it is the
Page 85 and 86: 68 This is the analysis given in [C
Page 87 and 88: 70 (3.43) Mariya Maria Juan-ta Juan
Page 89 and 90: 72 First (3.45) and (3.46) illustra
Page 91 and 92: 74 (3.49) CP (3.47). TP ❍ ✟ ✟
Page 93 and 94: 76 possibility is that the Case of
Page 95 and 96: 78 sitions. The derivation of (3.51
Page 97 and 98: 80 3.3.2.4 Why no -∅-marking in a
Page 99 and 100: 82 the feature sets of each D are c
Page 101 and 102: 84 (3.54) DP ✟ ❍❍ ✟ ✟✟
Page 103 and 104: 86 Given the discussion thus far th
Page 105 and 106: 88 (3.60) IP ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍
Page 107 and 108: 90 reconstruction of the head (in t
Page 109 and 110: 92 (3.66) [[naranja orange ch’arw
Page 111: 94 (3.74) DP ✟ ❍❍ ✟ ✟✟
Page 115 and 116: 98 Despite the similarity in (3.83)
Page 117 and 118: 100 Consider their examples (3.90)
Page 119 and 120: 102 (3.95) *Santiyagu Santiago Xwan
Page 121 and 122: 104 analysis presented here also pr
Page 123 and 124: 106 Recall that Cuzco Quechua and I
Page 125 and 126: 108 The cognate nominalizers -sqa (
Page 127 and 128: 110 (4.7) [wayna-q boy-gen waka cow
Page 129 and 130: 112 Furthermore, like CQ, IQ allows
Page 131 and 132: 114 of possessor-noun agreement. Th
Page 133 and 134: 116 (4.18) CP ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍ ❍
Page 135 and 136: 118 (merged with n or v) to n or v
Page 137 and 138: 120 and in the pattern of Case-mark
Page 139 and 140: 122 4.4.1.4 Overt Case marking on a
Page 141 and 142: 124 4.4.3 How the analysis explains
Page 143 and 144: 126 Examples (4.32) to (4.39) show
Page 145 and 146: 128 (4.40) *[[Marya Maria [warmi wo
Page 147 and 148: 130 of (4.38) and (4.39). On the ot
Page 149 and 150: 132 allowing an external interpreta
Page 151 and 152: 134 4.5.3.1 Distribution of pro Sin
Page 153 and 154: 136 (4.66) [[[e] Mishki-ta candy-ac
Page 155 and 156: 138 Positive evidence that the exte
Page 157 and 158: 140 For example, in a context which
Page 159 and 160: 142 (4.83) DP ❍ ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍
Page 161 and 162: 144 (4.85) and (4.86) are examples
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146 (4.93) [ñuka I wasi-*(pi) hous
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148 (4.97) Empty external head posi
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Chapter 5 Existential and Possessiv
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5.2 The basic facts of Cuzco Quechu
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154 (5.9) Maria-q llama-n-kuna Mari
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156 position, or is kay more like E
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158 5.3.1 Quechua adverbial evidenc
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160 is agreeing in some default way
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162 5.3.2 Relative clause morpholog
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164 (5.37) Llaqta-y-pi ka-q/*ka-sqa
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166 5.3.3 The syntax of CQ existent
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168 (5.44) Initial view of the stru
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170 Adoption of the partitive Case
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172 In the following sections I wil
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174 According to Freeze, there is n
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176 (5.62) Mari-nak mari-dat van-na
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178 I will argue that the overt pre
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180 Although differing in some deta
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182 are typically either full DPs o
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184 (5.82) Nuqa I [Gabriela-q Gabri
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186 of the preposition into the exi
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188 marking and with overt possesso
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190 (5.93) Pilar-pa mihuna wasi-n k
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192 (5.100) [[[Waka-q cow-gen uña-
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Chapter 6 The Semantics of Disconti
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196 appear separated from the noun.
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198 The phenomenon I am considering
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200 Other quantifiers that appear D
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202 be associated to any element wi
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204 sample analysis for an instance
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206 6.3.2 Semantic effects of co-Ca
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208 (6.32) (a) [Ana-q pisi llama-n]
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210 Sánchez [1996] suggests that w
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212 Also striking in this regard ar
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214 configuration of a discontinuou
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216 from encoding definite DPs. In
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218 wasi ‘house’ can be extract
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220 the analysis I have outlined he
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222 in adjunct positions at all, an
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224 (6.59) Sapa 2 /*llapan/*tukuy [
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226 tants, but the intervening suff
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228 Without the intermediary level,
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230 Bittner, M. and K. Hale. 1995.
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232 Hastings, R. 2001. The interpre
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234 Muysken, P. 1989. Predication c
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