the syntax and semantics of relativization and quantification

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187 possessor. The possessor merges with n as usual, the genitive Case marker being consistent with this position of Merge and the agreement between the possessor and the possessed noun (presumably due to the head-to-head match of n and N). All this is just as we saw in Chapter 4. Next D merges with nP. I assume that the indefinite D is a kind of defective probe: it has no uninterpretable Case feature but it does have a +D feature which matches the possessor and EPP feature which results in the Internal Merge of the possessor to [Spec,DP]. Next K selects the DP. The resulting configuration is shown in (5.89). (5.89) KP ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍ ❍ ❍ K DP ✟ ✟✟ ✟ ❍❍ ❍ ❍ DP D’ ✟ Maria-q ✟✟ ❍ ❍ ❍ i D nP ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍ t i n’ ✟ ✟ ❍❍ NP ❍ n llama-n-kuna Now, K has an uninterpretable Case feature and a +D feature. Note that either the DP Mariaq or the DP Mariaq llamankuna are potential goals for this probe, and neither D head is an intervener. K agrees with Mariaq, checks the Case of Mariaq, and Mariaq moves to [Spec,KP]. I assume that the particular reflex of the Case marking by K will be determined by the matrix-clause Case-assigner, and that the [Spec,KP] is a position from which further extraction to a matrix-clause A’ position typically occurs. Again in these respects, [Spec,KP] would be the “COMP-like Case position” posited in [Lefebvre & Muysken 1988]. Note that under this analysis Quechua looks very similar to Hungarian except that Hungarian possessive sentences are associated specifically with dative Case
188 marking and with overt possessor extraction. In the next two trees I compare the proposed structural analyses of the CQ versions of ‘There are llamas’ and ‘Maria has llamas’ respectively. (5.90) TP ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍ Expl T’ ❍ ✟ ✟✟✟✟ ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍ T vP ✟ ✟ ❍❍ VP ✟ ✟✟ ❍ ❍ DP V ❍ v llama-kuna i kan (5.91) TP ✟ ✟✟ ❍ ❍ ❍ Expl T’ ✟ ✟✟ ❍ ❍ ❍ T vP ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍ ❍ ❍ VP v ❍ ✟ ✟✟✟✟ ❍ ❍ ❍ KP i V ✟ ✟✟ ❍ ❍ ❍ Maria-q j K’ kan ✟ ✟ ❍❍ ❍ K DP ✟ ✟✟ ❍ ❍ t j D’ ✟ ✟✟ ❍ ❍ ❍ D nP ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍ t j n’ ✟ ✟ ❍❍ NP ❍ n llama-n-kuna The above trees have been simplified in a number of ways. For example, I ignore head movement of V and of N. Furthermore, I put aside the question of what
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THE SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF RELATIV
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THE SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF RELATIV
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Biographical Sketch Rachel Hastings
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Acknowledgements When I entered the
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through valuable courses and commen
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I have also been the beneficiary of
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Table of Contents 1 Introduction 1
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5 Existential and Possessive Senten
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List of Abbreviations abl=ablative
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2 The most immediate puzzle of Quec
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4 the availability of slightly diff
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6 goal to the probe H. The detailed
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8 1.3 Background on Quechua This se
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10 1.3.2 Morphosyntax In this secti
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12 that complement clauses exhibit
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14 used is a combination of traditi
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16 tactically, it poses a challenge
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18 (2.4) DP ✟ ✟✟ ✟ ❍❍
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20 clause (specifically, she sugges
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22 2.2.3 Culy 1990 Culy [1990] prov
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24 To explain this phenomenon, Basi
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26 function g c assigns to the inde
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28 Since Quechua allows a great dea
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30 Table 2.1: Cuzco Quechua Quantif
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32 head. Furthermore, these sentenc
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34 basic syntactic analysis given h
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36 something about pisi which induc
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38 (2.41) LF head-raising in (2.40)
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40 (2.42) Kayne’s head-raising ap
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42 In general, other weak and stron
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44 as an example. This sentence is
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46 Note that the matrix clause dist
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48 some English consultants find th
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50 However, -nka may not appear on
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52 EHR sentence (2.61) is the stron
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Chapter 3 The Syntax of Head-Raisin
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56 Note that for a head-raising ana
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58 (3.7) Juan-pa wasi-n Juan-gen ho
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60 which show a subject internal he
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62 (3.26) [[Rumi stone riku-sqa-y]
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64 The tree in (3.30) shows the S-s
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66 Bianchi suggests that it is the
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68 This is the analysis given in [C
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70 (3.43) Mariya Maria Juan-ta Juan
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72 First (3.45) and (3.46) illustra
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74 (3.49) CP (3.47). TP ❍ ✟ ✟
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76 possibility is that the Case of
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78 sitions. The derivation of (3.51
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80 3.3.2.4 Why no -∅-marking in a
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82 the feature sets of each D are c
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84 (3.54) DP ✟ ❍❍ ✟ ✟✟
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86 Given the discussion thus far th
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88 (3.60) IP ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍
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90 reconstruction of the head (in t
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92 (3.66) [[naranja orange ch’arw
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94 (3.74) DP ✟ ❍❍ ✟ ✟✟
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96 (3.80) *[[pro pro [[e] e Lima-pi
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98 Despite the similarity in (3.83)
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100 Consider their examples (3.90)
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102 (3.95) *Santiyagu Santiago Xwan
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104 analysis presented here also pr
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106 Recall that Cuzco Quechua and I
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108 The cognate nominalizers -sqa (
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110 (4.7) [wayna-q boy-gen waka cow
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112 Furthermore, like CQ, IQ allows
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114 of possessor-noun agreement. Th
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116 (4.18) CP ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍ ❍
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118 (merged with n or v) to n or v
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120 and in the pattern of Case-mark
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122 4.4.1.4 Overt Case marking on a
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124 4.4.3 How the analysis explains
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126 Examples (4.32) to (4.39) show
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128 (4.40) *[[Marya Maria [warmi wo
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130 of (4.38) and (4.39). On the ot
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132 allowing an external interpreta
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134 4.5.3.1 Distribution of pro Sin
Page 153 and 154: 136 (4.66) [[[e] Mishki-ta candy-ac
Page 155 and 156: 138 Positive evidence that the exte
Page 157 and 158: 140 For example, in a context which
Page 159 and 160: 142 (4.83) DP ❍ ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍
Page 161 and 162: 144 (4.85) and (4.86) are examples
Page 163 and 164: 146 (4.93) [ñuka I wasi-*(pi) hous
Page 165 and 166: 148 (4.97) Empty external head posi
Page 167 and 168: Chapter 5 Existential and Possessiv
Page 169 and 170: 5.2 The basic facts of Cuzco Quechu
Page 171 and 172: 154 (5.9) Maria-q llama-n-kuna Mari
Page 173 and 174: 156 position, or is kay more like E
Page 175 and 176: 158 5.3.1 Quechua adverbial evidenc
Page 177 and 178: 160 is agreeing in some default way
Page 179 and 180: 162 5.3.2 Relative clause morpholog
Page 181 and 182: 164 (5.37) Llaqta-y-pi ka-q/*ka-sqa
Page 183 and 184: 166 5.3.3 The syntax of CQ existent
Page 185 and 186: 168 (5.44) Initial view of the stru
Page 187 and 188: 170 Adoption of the partitive Case
Page 189 and 190: 172 In the following sections I wil
Page 191 and 192: 174 According to Freeze, there is n
Page 193 and 194: 176 (5.62) Mari-nak mari-dat van-na
Page 195 and 196: 178 I will argue that the overt pre
Page 197 and 198: 180 Although differing in some deta
Page 199 and 200: 182 are typically either full DPs o
Page 201 and 202: 184 (5.82) Nuqa I [Gabriela-q Gabri
Page 203: 186 of the preposition into the exi
Page 207 and 208: 190 (5.93) Pilar-pa mihuna wasi-n k
Page 209 and 210: 192 (5.100) [[[Waka-q cow-gen uña-
Page 211 and 212: Chapter 6 The Semantics of Disconti
Page 213 and 214: 196 appear separated from the noun.
Page 215 and 216: 198 The phenomenon I am considering
Page 217 and 218: 200 Other quantifiers that appear D
Page 219 and 220: 202 be associated to any element wi
Page 221 and 222: 204 sample analysis for an instance
Page 223 and 224: 206 6.3.2 Semantic effects of co-Ca
Page 225 and 226: 208 (6.32) (a) [Ana-q pisi llama-n]
Page 227 and 228: 210 Sánchez [1996] suggests that w
Page 229 and 230: 212 Also striking in this regard ar
Page 231 and 232: 214 configuration of a discontinuou
Page 233 and 234: 216 from encoding definite DPs. In
Page 235 and 236: 218 wasi ‘house’ can be extract
Page 237 and 238: 220 the analysis I have outlined he
Page 239 and 240: 222 in adjunct positions at all, an
Page 241 and 242: 224 (6.59) Sapa 2 /*llapan/*tukuy [
Page 243 and 244: 226 tants, but the intervening suff
Page 245 and 246: 228 Without the intermediary level,
Page 247 and 248: 230 Bittner, M. and K. Hale. 1995.
Page 249 and 250: 232 Hastings, R. 2001. The interpre
Page 251 and 252: 234 Muysken, P. 1989. Predication c
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