the syntax and semantics of relativization and quantification

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203 6.3 Interpretation and structure 6.3.1 Previous work A small body of previous work has considered the syntax of discontinuous noun phrases in Quechua. In this section I discuss a range of these past approaches. The approach to what I have been calling discontinuous noun phrases adopted by many Quechua grammarians is that these are examples of the adverbial construction mentioned in the previous section. Antonio Cusihuamán provides the following examples in the course of illustrating adverbials. (6.25) Hatun-ta-n big-ta-foc chakra-ta-qa field-acc-top muna-yku. want-2pl(excl.) ‘We want bigger plots.’ (Cusihuamán 1976/2000 p.128) Another similar reading suggested by a consultant: ‘We want a big field.’ (6.26) Sumaq-ta-n good-ta-foc papa-qa potato-top wiña-mu-sha-n. grow-cis-prog-3sg ‘The potato is growing well.’ (Cusihuamán 1976/2000 p.128) Here, (6.25) contains what I consider to be a discontinuous noun phrase since the adjective ‘big’ modifies the noun ‘field’, whereas (6.26) I consider to be a true adverbial construction. Other approaches to this construction are found in [Lefebvre & Muysken 1988], [Muysken 1989] and [Sánchez 1996]. Since each of these works presents a different analysis of discontinuous noun phrases I will briefly discuss each of these in turn. Each will be shown to answer the question “Is the discontinuous structure achieved through syntactic extraction?” in a different way. Lefebvre and Muysken [1988] look at a wide range of phenomena involving co- Case marking. They posit that instances of discontinuous quantifiers and adjectives are a result of extraction of these modifying elements from the noun phrase. A
204 sample analysis for an instance of “adjective float” is given in (6.27). According to this theory there is a Case position in the periphery of the noun phrase which functions as an escape hatch from the NP, and the floated element picks up its Case marker in that position. (6.27) [t i Runa]-ta riqsi-ni hatun i -ta [t i man]-acc know-1sg tall i -acc ‘I know a tall man.’ (from Lefebvre & Muysken (6) p.143) In [Sánchez 1996], an extraction analysis of a different sort is posited (in particular for the case of disjoint adjectives and nouns). Here, the idea is that the modifier is left behind and the noun phrase raises. Sánchez adopts the idea of Lefebvre and Muysken that the Spec of the noun phrase is a Case position, where the extracted element picks up its Case marking. (6.28) [ FocP Runa i -ta [ Foc riqsi-ni [ AgrP [ DP [t’ i hatun j -ta] [ D ′ [ PredP [t i t j ]]]]]]] [ FocP Man i -acc [ Foc know-1sg [ AgrP [ DP [t’ i tall j -acc] [ D ′ [ PredP [t i t j ]]]]]]] ‘I know a tall man.’ (from Sánchez 1996 pp128-131) (In the above example note that the adjective ultimately moves to the [Spec,DP] position also. However, unlike the noun it never actually leaves DP.) Thirdly, the analysis in [Muysken 1989] suggests that in a variety of constructions 1 involving a double -ta Case-marker there is no literal extraction of one element out of another, but rather there is a co-indexation between the NP and another phrase (“XP”, which could represent a variety of categories) and that this 1 This study involves a rather different range of constructions from the ones I am considering here, including for example apparent small clauses and apparent extracted subjects from subordinate clauses. However, it does encompass co-Casemarked quantifiers, like the ones I discuss in this chapter.
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THE SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF RELATIV
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THE SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF RELATIV
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Biographical Sketch Rachel Hastings
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Acknowledgements When I entered the
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through valuable courses and commen
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I have also been the beneficiary of
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Table of Contents 1 Introduction 1
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5 Existential and Possessive Senten
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List of Abbreviations abl=ablative
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2 The most immediate puzzle of Quec
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4 the availability of slightly diff
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6 goal to the probe H. The detailed
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8 1.3 Background on Quechua This se
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10 1.3.2 Morphosyntax In this secti
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12 that complement clauses exhibit
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14 used is a combination of traditi
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16 tactically, it poses a challenge
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18 (2.4) DP ✟ ✟✟ ✟ ❍❍
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20 clause (specifically, she sugges
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22 2.2.3 Culy 1990 Culy [1990] prov
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24 To explain this phenomenon, Basi
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26 function g c assigns to the inde
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28 Since Quechua allows a great dea
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30 Table 2.1: Cuzco Quechua Quantif
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32 head. Furthermore, these sentenc
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34 basic syntactic analysis given h
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36 something about pisi which induc
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38 (2.41) LF head-raising in (2.40)
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40 (2.42) Kayne’s head-raising ap
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42 In general, other weak and stron
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44 as an example. This sentence is
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46 Note that the matrix clause dist
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48 some English consultants find th
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50 However, -nka may not appear on
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52 EHR sentence (2.61) is the stron
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Chapter 3 The Syntax of Head-Raisin
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56 Note that for a head-raising ana
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58 (3.7) Juan-pa wasi-n Juan-gen ho
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60 which show a subject internal he
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62 (3.26) [[Rumi stone riku-sqa-y]
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64 The tree in (3.30) shows the S-s
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66 Bianchi suggests that it is the
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68 This is the analysis given in [C
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70 (3.43) Mariya Maria Juan-ta Juan
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72 First (3.45) and (3.46) illustra
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74 (3.49) CP (3.47). TP ❍ ✟ ✟
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76 possibility is that the Case of
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78 sitions. The derivation of (3.51
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80 3.3.2.4 Why no -∅-marking in a
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82 the feature sets of each D are c
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84 (3.54) DP ✟ ❍❍ ✟ ✟✟
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86 Given the discussion thus far th
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88 (3.60) IP ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍
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90 reconstruction of the head (in t
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92 (3.66) [[naranja orange ch’arw
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94 (3.74) DP ✟ ❍❍ ✟ ✟✟
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96 (3.80) *[[pro pro [[e] e Lima-pi
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98 Despite the similarity in (3.83)
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100 Consider their examples (3.90)
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102 (3.95) *Santiyagu Santiago Xwan
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104 analysis presented here also pr
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106 Recall that Cuzco Quechua and I
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108 The cognate nominalizers -sqa (
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110 (4.7) [wayna-q boy-gen waka cow
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112 Furthermore, like CQ, IQ allows
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114 of possessor-noun agreement. Th
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116 (4.18) CP ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍ ❍
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118 (merged with n or v) to n or v
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120 and in the pattern of Case-mark
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122 4.4.1.4 Overt Case marking on a
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124 4.4.3 How the analysis explains
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126 Examples (4.32) to (4.39) show
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128 (4.40) *[[Marya Maria [warmi wo
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130 of (4.38) and (4.39). On the ot
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132 allowing an external interpreta
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134 4.5.3.1 Distribution of pro Sin
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136 (4.66) [[[e] Mishki-ta candy-ac
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138 Positive evidence that the exte
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140 For example, in a context which
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142 (4.83) DP ❍ ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍
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144 (4.85) and (4.86) are examples
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146 (4.93) [ñuka I wasi-*(pi) hous
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148 (4.97) Empty external head posi
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Chapter 5 Existential and Possessiv
Page 169 and 170: 5.2 The basic facts of Cuzco Quechu
Page 171 and 172: 154 (5.9) Maria-q llama-n-kuna Mari
Page 173 and 174: 156 position, or is kay more like E
Page 175 and 176: 158 5.3.1 Quechua adverbial evidenc
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Page 179 and 180: 162 5.3.2 Relative clause morpholog
Page 181 and 182: 164 (5.37) Llaqta-y-pi ka-q/*ka-sqa
Page 183 and 184: 166 5.3.3 The syntax of CQ existent
Page 185 and 186: 168 (5.44) Initial view of the stru
Page 187 and 188: 170 Adoption of the partitive Case
Page 189 and 190: 172 In the following sections I wil
Page 191 and 192: 174 According to Freeze, there is n
Page 193 and 194: 176 (5.62) Mari-nak mari-dat van-na
Page 195 and 196: 178 I will argue that the overt pre
Page 197 and 198: 180 Although differing in some deta
Page 199 and 200: 182 are typically either full DPs o
Page 201 and 202: 184 (5.82) Nuqa I [Gabriela-q Gabri
Page 203 and 204: 186 of the preposition into the exi
Page 205 and 206: 188 marking and with overt possesso
Page 207 and 208: 190 (5.93) Pilar-pa mihuna wasi-n k
Page 209 and 210: 192 (5.100) [[[Waka-q cow-gen uña-
Page 211 and 212: Chapter 6 The Semantics of Disconti
Page 213 and 214: 196 appear separated from the noun.
Page 215 and 216: 198 The phenomenon I am considering
Page 217 and 218: 200 Other quantifiers that appear D
Page 219: 202 be associated to any element wi
Page 223 and 224: 206 6.3.2 Semantic effects of co-Ca
Page 225 and 226: 208 (6.32) (a) [Ana-q pisi llama-n]
Page 227 and 228: 210 Sánchez [1996] suggests that w
Page 229 and 230: 212 Also striking in this regard ar
Page 231 and 232: 214 configuration of a discontinuou
Page 233 and 234: 216 from encoding definite DPs. In
Page 235 and 236: 218 wasi ‘house’ can be extract
Page 237 and 238: 220 the analysis I have outlined he
Page 239 and 240: 222 in adjunct positions at all, an
Page 241 and 242: 224 (6.59) Sapa 2 /*llapan/*tukuy [
Page 243 and 244: 226 tants, but the intervening suff
Page 245 and 246: 228 Without the intermediary level,
Page 247 and 248: 230 Bittner, M. and K. Hale. 1995.
Page 249 and 250: 232 Hastings, R. 2001. The interpre
Page 251 and 252: 234 Muysken, P. 1989. Predication c
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the syntax and semantics of relativization and quantification

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