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the syntax and semantics of relativization and quantification

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30<br />

Table 2.1: Cuzco Quechua Quantifiers<br />

Quantifier English gloss strong/weak<br />

ashka many, a lot weak<br />

huk, iskay, etc. one, two, etc. weak<br />

pisi a few, a little weak<br />

sapa each, every strong<br />

tukuy all strong<br />

wakin some (<strong>of</strong>) strong<br />

2.3.2 IHRs with quantified head<br />

As discussed in Section 2.2, sentences in which <strong>the</strong> head <strong>of</strong> an IHR is a quantified NP<br />

can provide important evidence for or against various structural possibilities. Recall<br />

that Cole’s [1987a] analysis <strong>of</strong> (Ancash <strong>and</strong> Imbabura) Quechua assumes that an<br />

IHR <strong>and</strong> its corresponding EHR have identical meanings <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>refore an analysis<br />

in which both structures look identical at LF may be advantageous since <strong>the</strong> same<br />

parsing strategy may apply to each. By contrast, Hoshi [1995] <strong>and</strong> Shimoyama<br />

[1999] point out certain important differences in <strong>the</strong> meaning <strong>of</strong> EHRs <strong>and</strong> IHRs in<br />

Japanese, necessitating distinct parsing mechanisms.<br />

In Cuzco Quechua, I find that in general EHR/IHR pairs, even those with quantified<br />

heads, are semantically indistinguishable. (The exceptions I am aware <strong>of</strong> involve<br />

<strong>the</strong> distributive suffix -nka on <strong>the</strong> head as discussed in Section 2.5.3. In <strong>the</strong>se cases<br />

<strong>the</strong> EHR is strongly preferred.) Thus, sentences (2.29) <strong>and</strong> (2.30), containing an<br />

IHR <strong>and</strong> EHR respectively, both have <strong>the</strong> same interpretation, compatible with an<br />

external head at LF.

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