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the syntax and semantics of relativization and quantification

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must escape <strong>the</strong> vP before <strong>the</strong> level <strong>of</strong> interpretation. A statement <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Mapping<br />

Hypo<strong>the</strong>sis is as follows:<br />

(5.42) Mapping Hypo<strong>the</strong>sis [Diesing, 1992 p.10]:<br />

Material from VP is mapped into <strong>the</strong> nuclear scope.<br />

Material from IP is mapped into a restrictive clause.<br />

5.3.3.2 Structure <strong>of</strong> existentials<br />

Let us consider what <strong>the</strong>se assumptions mean for CQ existential sentences like (5.3),<br />

repeated here:<br />

(5.43) Llama-kuna urqu-pi ka-n.<br />

llama-pl mountain-loc be-3sg<br />

‘There are llamas in <strong>the</strong> mountains.’<br />

Llamakuna is an indefinite which is subject to existential closure <strong>and</strong> so must be<br />

interpreted within <strong>the</strong> vP. The question <strong>of</strong> why llamakuna also does not behave like<br />

an internal argument <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> verb (shown in <strong>the</strong> previous section) will be addressed<br />

below. Since I am not aware <strong>of</strong> any evidence <strong>of</strong> inversion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> locative over <strong>the</strong> DP,<br />

I take it that llamakuna is merged to <strong>the</strong> verbal projection only after <strong>the</strong> locative<br />

urqupi ‘in <strong>the</strong> mountain’ has been merged. (See [Fernández-Soriano 1999] for an<br />

analysis in which <strong>the</strong> locative is actually <strong>the</strong> highest argument in Spanish impersonal<br />

constructions.) I take urqupi to be a DP <strong>and</strong> not a PP (see Lefebvre & Muysken<br />

[1988] for arguments that -pi is an affix <strong>and</strong> not a clitic). Therefore, -pi is a Case<br />

marker on <strong>the</strong> nominal <strong>and</strong> not a postposition. The role <strong>of</strong> -pi may, however, be to<br />

assign locative case to urqu ‘mountain’. I will <strong>the</strong>refore assume that kay does not<br />

check <strong>the</strong> Case <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> locative DP.<br />

These observations suggest <strong>the</strong> following as a starting point for determining <strong>the</strong><br />

structure <strong>of</strong> (5.43).

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