the syntax and semantics of relativization and quantification

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For example, Culy states that under his analysis the (simplified) interpretation
of the Donno So sentence (2.13) would be (2.14) (Culy does not provide details of
the parsing).
(2.13) [[aru
[[agreement
kundaa
make-psp
ǫmmǫ]
1pl]
bo]
AUX-DEF]
agalaa
undo-PSP
ti
send-PN-3sg
(Donno So)
‘He has undone the agreement that we had made.’ (Culy p.163)
(2.14) [the agreement(x 1 ) & (we had done x 1 )] (he undid x 1 )
2.2.4 Basilico 1996
Basilico’s [1996] proposal concerning IHRs is motivated by certain word-order facts
in languages such as Diegueño and Mojave, wherein the internal head is disambiguated
through clause-internal movement. That is, some IHRs in which the embedded
sentence contains two objects are ambiguous with regard to the identity
of the head unless the actual head has raised to a higher position, but still within
the embedded clause. An example of an ambiguous clause in Cocopa (a Yuman
language) is given in (2.15). In (2.16) this sentence is disambiguated through IHRinternal
movement (xat ‘dog’ becomes unambiguously recognizable as the head when
it moves to the left of xu:r ‘rock’).
(2.15) [[John
John
xu:r
rock
xat
dog
pa:cu:s-p-t y ]]
hit-DEM-SUBJ
u:n y iL y cis.
black.EMPH
?‘The dog John hit with the rock was black.’
(Cocopa)
‘The rock John hit with the dog was black.’ (Basilico [1996], from Gorbet
[1976]:60)
(2.16) [[John
John
xat
dog
su:r
rock
pa:cu:s-p-t y ]]
hit-DEM-SUBJ
‘The dog John hit with the rock was black.’
(Basilico [1996], from Gorbet [1976]:53)
u:n y iL y cis.
black.EMPH
(Cocopa)