the syntax and semantics of relativization and quantification

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(6.18) Pisi-ta llank’a-rqa-ni.
a.little-ta work-past-1sg
‘I worked a little.’
(6.19) Wawa-yki
child-2sg
pisi-lla-ta-chu
a.litte-delim-ta-q
hamu-n?
come-3sg
‘Does your son come only a little (infrequently)?’
Non-quantificational adjectives can also participate in this adverbial construction.
An example is illustrated in (6.20). Here, however, there is an ambiguity
present. The ambiguity is between a verb-modifier use of sumaq-ta (‘well’) and a
noun-modifier use of sumaq-ta (‘good’). Because of the coindexation between wasi
‘house’ and sumaq ‘good’ in the latter case, and the adjectival interpretation of
‘good’, this reading falls into my category of discontinuous noun phrase.
(6.20) Nuqa
I
wasi-ta sumaq-ta
house-acc good-ta
‘I am watching over the house well.’
? ‘I am watching over a nice house.’
qhawa-sha-ni.
watch-prog-1sg
In (6.20), consultants vary on whether one or both readings are prominent. However,
the consultant who suggested the above example with the first reading also
proposed the following two examples in which sumaq ‘good’ is construed as adjectival
(modifying a noun) and felt that (6.21) and (6.22) have the same meaning.
(6.21) Machu
Machu
Picchu-pi
Picchu-loc
sumaq
good
mikhuna-ta
food-acc
‘At Machu Picchu, we ate good food.’
mikhu-ra-yku.
eat-past-2pl(excl.)
(6.22) Machu Picchu-pi sumaq-ta mikhuna-ta
Machu Picchu-loc good-acc food-acc
‘At Machu Picchu, we ate good food.’
mikhu-ra-yku.
eat-past-2pl(excl.)
One hypothesis which we might entertain at this point is that the adjective
or quantifier is some sort of unselective binder. That is, that this element may