the syntax and semantics of relativization and quantification

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The cognate nominalizers -sqa (CQ) and -shka (IQ) can be observed in (4.1) and
(4.2). Differences in the distribution of these morphemes are discussed in Section
4.2.2.4. Also in both dialects neither a wh- expression nor an overt complementizer
is present. Furthermore, the head can only appear internal (as in (4.2)) to the clause
or to the right of the clause (as in (4.1)). External heads can be associated with
both argument and adjunct positions within the relative clause (adjunct cases are
illustrated in (4.3)), but receive the Case marking associated with their role within
the matrix clause. 3
(4.3) [[Juan-pa
Juan-gen
qilqa-sqa-n]
write-nm-3sg
lapicero]-qa
pen-top
‘The pen Juan wrote with is blue.’
azul-mi.
blue-evid
(CQ)
(4.4) [[Juan
Juan
killka-shka]
write-nm
lapiz]-ka
pen-top
‘The pen Juan wrote with is blue.’
azul-mi.
blue-evid
(IQ)
Previous work on relative clauses has been discussed in the preceding chapters.
Regarding the idea of head-raising in relative clauses, in [Lefebvre & Muysken 1988]
on Cuzco Quechua and [Cole 1987a] on Imbabura Quechua it is assumed that external
heads are generated externally while internal heads raise at LF. In [Kayne 1994]
the Antisymmetry framework points to an analysis which is a modification of Cole’s
so very likely participates in this same subdialect. Cole provides the example in
(iii) of an embedded verb with subject agreement, and examples like this were also
accepted and proposed by my consultants.
(iii) Pedro ya-n [ñuka Agatu-pi kawsa-ni-ta]
Pedro think-3 I Agato-in live-1-acc
‘Pedro thinks that I live in Agato.’
I am unfortunately unable to treat this alternative relative clause type here but
leave its analysis to future work.
3 This Case-marking is subject to a matching condition for consultants of [Lefebvre
& Muysken 1988] but not for my consultants. See Section 3.4.4.