- Page 1 and 2: THE SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF RELATIV
- Page 3: THE SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF RELATIV
- Page 7 and 8: Acknowledgements When I entered the
- Page 9 and 10: through valuable courses and commen
- Page 11 and 12: I have also been the beneficiary of
- Page 13 and 14: Table of Contents 1 Introduction 1
- Page 15 and 16: 5 Existential and Possessive Senten
- Page 17 and 18: List of Abbreviations abl=ablative
- Page 19 and 20: 2 The most immediate puzzle of Quec
- Page 21 and 22: 4 the availability of slightly diff
- Page 23 and 24: 6 goal to the probe H. The detailed
- Page 25 and 26: 8 1.3 Background on Quechua This se
- Page 27 and 28: 10 1.3.2 Morphosyntax In this secti
- Page 29 and 30: 12 that complement clauses exhibit
- Page 31 and 32: 14 used is a combination of traditi
- Page 33 and 34: 16 tactically, it poses a challenge
- Page 35 and 36: 18 (2.4) DP ✟ ✟✟ ✟ ❍❍
- Page 37 and 38: 20 clause (specifically, she sugges
- Page 39 and 40: 22 2.2.3 Culy 1990 Culy [1990] prov
- Page 41 and 42: 24 To explain this phenomenon, Basi
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- Page 45 and 46: 28 Since Quechua allows a great dea
- Page 47 and 48: 30 Table 2.1: Cuzco Quechua Quantif
- Page 49 and 50: 32 head. Furthermore, these sentenc
- Page 51 and 52: 34 basic syntactic analysis given h
- Page 53 and 54: 36 something about pisi which induc
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38 (2.41) LF head-raising in (2.40)
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40 (2.42) Kayne’s head-raising ap
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42 In general, other weak and stron
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44 as an example. This sentence is
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46 Note that the matrix clause dist
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48 some English consultants find th
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50 However, -nka may not appear on
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52 EHR sentence (2.61) is the stron
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Chapter 3 The Syntax of Head-Raisin
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56 Note that for a head-raising ana
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58 (3.7) Juan-pa wasi-n Juan-gen ho
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60 which show a subject internal he
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62 (3.26) [[Rumi stone riku-sqa-y]
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64 The tree in (3.30) shows the S-s
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66 Bianchi suggests that it is the
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68 This is the analysis given in [C
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70 (3.43) Mariya Maria Juan-ta Juan
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72 First (3.45) and (3.46) illustra
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74 (3.49) CP (3.47). TP ❍ ✟ ✟
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76 possibility is that the Case of
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78 sitions. The derivation of (3.51
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80 3.3.2.4 Why no -∅-marking in a
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82 the feature sets of each D are c
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84 (3.54) DP ✟ ❍❍ ✟ ✟✟
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86 Given the discussion thus far th
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88 (3.60) IP ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍
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90 reconstruction of the head (in t
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92 (3.66) [[naranja orange ch’arw
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94 (3.74) DP ✟ ❍❍ ✟ ✟✟
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96 (3.80) *[[pro pro [[e] e Lima-pi
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98 Despite the similarity in (3.83)
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100 Consider their examples (3.90)
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102 (3.95) *Santiyagu Santiago Xwan
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104 analysis presented here also pr
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106 Recall that Cuzco Quechua and I
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108 The cognate nominalizers -sqa (
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110 (4.7) [wayna-q boy-gen waka cow
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112 Furthermore, like CQ, IQ allows
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114 of possessor-noun agreement. Th
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116 (4.18) CP ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍ ❍
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118 (merged with n or v) to n or v
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120 and in the pattern of Case-mark
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122 4.4.1.4 Overt Case marking on a
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124 4.4.3 How the analysis explains
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126 Examples (4.32) to (4.39) show
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128 (4.40) *[[Marya Maria [warmi wo
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130 of (4.38) and (4.39). On the ot
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132 allowing an external interpreta
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134 4.5.3.1 Distribution of pro Sin
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136 (4.66) [[[e] Mishki-ta candy-ac
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138 Positive evidence that the exte
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140 For example, in a context which
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142 (4.83) DP ❍ ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍
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144 (4.85) and (4.86) are examples
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146 (4.93) [ñuka I wasi-*(pi) hous
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148 (4.97) Empty external head posi
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Chapter 5 Existential and Possessiv
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5.2 The basic facts of Cuzco Quechu
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154 (5.9) Maria-q llama-n-kuna Mari
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156 position, or is kay more like E
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158 5.3.1 Quechua adverbial evidenc
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160 is agreeing in some default way
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162 5.3.2 Relative clause morpholog
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164 (5.37) Llaqta-y-pi ka-q/*ka-sqa
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166 5.3.3 The syntax of CQ existent
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168 (5.44) Initial view of the stru
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170 Adoption of the partitive Case
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172 In the following sections I wil
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174 According to Freeze, there is n
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176 (5.62) Mari-nak mari-dat van-na
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178 I will argue that the overt pre
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180 Although differing in some deta
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182 are typically either full DPs o
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184 (5.82) Nuqa I [Gabriela-q Gabri
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186 of the preposition into the exi
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188 marking and with overt possesso
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190 (5.93) Pilar-pa mihuna wasi-n k
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192 (5.100) [[[Waka-q cow-gen uña-
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Chapter 6 The Semantics of Disconti
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196 appear separated from the noun.
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198 The phenomenon I am considering
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200 Other quantifiers that appear D
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202 be associated to any element wi
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204 sample analysis for an instance
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206 6.3.2 Semantic effects of co-Ca
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208 (6.32) (a) [Ana-q pisi llama-n]
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210 Sánchez [1996] suggests that w
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212 Also striking in this regard ar
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214 configuration of a discontinuou
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216 from encoding definite DPs. In
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218 wasi ‘house’ can be extract
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220 the analysis I have outlined he
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222 in adjunct positions at all, an
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224 (6.59) Sapa 2 /*llapan/*tukuy [
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226 tants, but the intervening suff
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228 Without the intermediary level,
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230 Bittner, M. and K. Hale. 1995.
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232 Hastings, R. 2001. The interpre
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234 Muysken, P. 1989. Predication c