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the syntax and semantics of relativization and quantification

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<strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>the</strong> head is not overtly Case-marked. It is proposed that <strong>the</strong> Case <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> head is checked by a matrix clause element <strong>and</strong> this process is also licensed via<br />

determiner incorporation.<br />

Imbabura Quechua is <strong>the</strong>n shown to differ from Cuzco Quechua both in quantifier<br />

scope <strong>and</strong> in Case-marking on relative clause heads. These differences lead to <strong>the</strong><br />

proposal that head-raising is not m<strong>and</strong>atory in Imbabura as it is in Cuzco, <strong>and</strong><br />

hence Imbabura relative clause heads behave semantically more similarly to <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

Japanese counterparts.<br />

Fur<strong>the</strong>r issues in DP <strong>syntax</strong> <strong>and</strong> quantifier <strong>semantics</strong> are <strong>the</strong>n pursued through<br />

<strong>the</strong> study <strong>of</strong> extraction from noun phrases in Cuzco Quechua. It is argued that<br />

<strong>the</strong> possessor <strong>of</strong> a noun phrase in existential position may be extracted from its<br />

containing DP, yielding a possessive sentence interpretation. Semantic differences<br />

between continuous <strong>and</strong> discontinuous noun phrases are studied, <strong>and</strong> an analysis is<br />

proposed in which an element extracted from a DP must be interpreted externally<br />

to <strong>the</strong> definiteness head <strong>of</strong> that phrase.

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