the syntax and semantics of relativization and quantification

40
(2.42) Kayne’s head-raising applied to (2.35):
DP
❍
❍
❍
❍
✟ ✟✟✟✟✟✟✟
❍
❍
❍
❍
IP i
DP
✏
✟ ✟ ✟ ❍
❍
❍
✏ ✏✏✏✏✏✏✏✏✏✏ D CP
✟
Mayta-q plaza-pi t j planta-sqa-n-ta
✟ ❍ ❍
tukuy NP j CP
Mayta-gen plaza-loc t j plant-nm-3sg-acc all ✏ ✏
✟❍
planta C t i
plant
head.
However, this explanation for (2.35) does not address (2.34), with its internal
Finally, a possibility more in keeping with the intuition that (2.34) and (2.35) are
interpreted in the same way, is that these sentences are related to their paraphrase
(2.40) by movement. This would suggest that the structure in (2.41) is essentially
the correct LF structure also for (2.34) and (2.35). This is the most straight-forward
structure schematically, but the question of when a universally quantified DP may
escape its clause in Cuzco Quechua would need to be resolved, 14 as would the question
of the nature of the trace of the moved quantifier. It is this basic analysis,
however, that I adopt and develop in Chapter 3, building on recent work by Bianchi
[2000] on relative clauses in the framework of [Kayne 1994].
If the LF structures of the tukuy- and pisi- headed clauses are as I have suggested
in (2.36) and (2.41), the question remains as to what induces the different
14 It is clear that this clause escape is specifically associated with a relative clause
head and not, say, any embedded universally quantified phrase. An example of a
clause-bound universally quantified non-head is shown in (i) from the narrative of
Gregorio Condori Mamani [Valderrama & Escalante 1977 p.33]
(i) ...tapu-ra-nku [[papel lliw movilizable-man qo-sqa-nku]]-manta
ask-past-3pl [[paper all mobilized soldier-dat give-nm-3pl]]-abl
‘They asked for the paper that they gave to all “mobilized soldiers”.’
Here, the universally quantified DP lliw movilizable ‘all mobilized soldiers’, not being
the head of the RC, is clearly clause-bound.