the syntax and semantics of relativization and quantification

121
cannot be internal, as shown in (4.24). 8
(4.24) *[[Lapicero-(wan)
pen-instr
qilqa-sqa-y]]
write-nm(nonsbj)-1sg
musuq.
new
Intended meaning: ‘The pen that I wrote with is new.’
(CQ)
(4.25) [[Juan
Juan
lapiz-wan
pen-instr
killka-shka]]-ka
write-nm-top
azul
blue
‘The pen Juan wrote with is a blue pen.’
lapiz-mi.
pen-evid
(IQ)
4.4.1.3 Interpretation of universal quantifiers on internal heads
A third difference between the dialects relates to an issue analyzed in detail for
Cuzco Quechua in Chapters 2 and 3. This was the fact that in Cuzco Quechua
a strong quantifier on an internal head always receives an external interpretation.
That is, the strong quantifier will have scope over the entire relative clause. This
fact is illustrated in (4.26).
By contrast, a strong quantifier on an internal head in Imbabura Quechua is
generally interpreted internally to the clause. The external interpretation is accepted
by some speakers but not by others. An example is shown in (4.27).
(4.26) Ana-qa
Ana-top
ukya-ra-ni.
drink-past-1sg
[[Jose-q
Jose-gen
tukuy
all
unu
water
‘Ana drank all the water that Jose brought.’
*’Jose brought all the water and Ana drank it.’
apa-mu-sqa-n]]-ta
bring-cis-nm-3sg-acc
(CQ)
(4.27) Ana-ka
Ana-top
[[Jose
Jose
tucuilla
all
yaku-ta
water-acc
‘Jose brought all the water and Ana drank it.’
? ‘Ana drank all the water that Jose brought.’
apa-mu-shka]]-ta
take-cis-nm-acc
upya-rka.
drink-past
(IQ)
8 The externally headed equivalents of (4.25) and (4.24) are acceptable in both
dialects.