the syntax and semantics of relativization and quantification

24
To explain this phenomenon, Basilico suggests that IHRs are instances of quantification,
and as such become adjoined to the matrix IP at LF. The determiner
of the IHR binds the variables in the IHR, which are associated to the internal
head as well as to the relative clause restriction, and this determiner also adjoins
to the matrix IP at LF. According to Basilico, the clause-internal movement of the
head illustrated in (2.15) and (2.16) must take place at least in the covert part of
the grammar in order for the quantification to obey Diesing’s Mapping Hypothesis
([Diesing 1992]). This hypothesis implies that indefinites must move out of the VP
at LF in order to avoid existential closure and be bound by the determiner of the
IHR. Basilico gives supporting evidence by showing (like Williamson) that the head
of an IHR can only be an indefinite.
In Cuzco Quechua, however, the contrast noted in (2.15) and (2.16) above is not
found, as seen in (2.17) and (2.18).
(2.17) [[Irqi-q
Child-gen
alqu-man
dog-dat
rumi
rock
ch’anqa-sqa-n]]-qa
throw-nm(nonsbj)-3sg-top
ka-rqa-n.
be-past-3sg
‘The rock that the child threw at the dog was black.’
(2.18) [[Irqi-q
Child-gen
rumi
rock
alqu-man
dog-dat
ch’anqa-sqa-n]]-qa
throw-nm(nonsbj)-3sg-top
ka-rqa-n.
be-past-3sg
‘The rock that the child threw at the dog was black.’
yana
black
yana
black
(CQ)
(CQ)
The method by which the head is identified is different in different dialects of
Quechua, and is a principal topic of Chapters 3 and 4.
2.2.5 Shimoyama 1999, 2001
Shimoyama’s [1999, 2001] theory of Japanese IHRs is significantly different from the
last two in that she does not rely on the presence of an operator to bind the internal