the syntax and semantics of relativization and quantification

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143 (4.84) DP ✟ ✟✟ ✟ ❍❍ ❍ ❍ D CP ✟ ❍❍ ✟ ✟✟✟ pro ❍ ❍ ❍ CP ✏ ✏✏✏✏✏✏ Juan lapiz-wan killka-shka Juan pen-instr wrote At LF, the relative clause scopes out of DP: DP ✟ ❍ ✟ ✟✟✟ CP j ✏ ✏✏✏✏✏✏ Juan lapiz-wan killka-shka Juan pen-instr wrote ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍ DP ✟ ✟❍ ❍ D CP ✟❍ pro t j 4.5.4.2 Support from Cuzco Quechua Strong support for this analysis can be found in Cuzco Quechua. Recall that in CQ, only arguments can be internal heads. Adjuncts cannot be internal heads. This is illustrated in the next four examples. (4.85) [[Juan-pa Juan-gen ranti-sqa-n] buy-nm-3sg ‘The cow that Juan bought’ (4.86) [[Juan-pa Juan-gen waka cow waka] cow ranti-sqa-n]] buy-nm-3sg ‘The cow that Juan bought’ (CQ) (CQ) (4.87) [[qilqa-sqa-y] write-nm-1sg lapicero] pen ‘the pen I wrote with’ (4.88) *[[lapicero-(wan) pen-instr ‘the pen I wrote with’ qilqa-sqa-y]] write-nm-1sg (CQ) (CQ)
144 (4.85) and (4.86) are examples of argument relativization in which the head ‘cow’ appears both externally and internally to the clause. The meaning in both cases is ‘the cow that Juan bought’. However when we try the same thing with an adjunct, the internal head turns out to be impossible. Therefore in (4.87), pen is an acceptable external head in the expression ‘the pen I wrote with’, but cannot appear internal to the clause either with or without its Case marker. Under the analysis I have been developing here, these facts can be explained if in Cuzco Quechua an internal head must always raise. This view was espoused in Chapter 3. Assuming as in Section 3.3.3 that in both dialects the adjunct head must be Case-marked within its clause, it follows that no internal adjunct heads will be possible in Cuzco Quechua. 4.5.5 Does the head raise for Case reasons? Given my proposal that argument heads may raise in IQ, it is natural to ask whether this raising is Case-based as I have proposed it is in CQ. However, in IQ the evidence on this question is not so clear as in CQ and in this section I tentatively conclude that in fact raising is not Case-based in IQ. As discussed in previous sections, argument heads in IQ can in some cases have their Case-marker omitted but unlike in CQ this omission is optional and is limited to heads in the immediately pre-verbal position. Examples are shown in (4.89) and (4.90). (4.89) Direct object head: [[Wawa child rumi-(?ta) stone-(acc) shita-shka]] throw-nm ‘the stone that the child threw’ (IQ)
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THE SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF RELATIV
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THE SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF RELATIV
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Biographical Sketch Rachel Hastings
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Acknowledgements When I entered the
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through valuable courses and commen
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I have also been the beneficiary of
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Table of Contents 1 Introduction 1
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5 Existential and Possessive Senten
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List of Abbreviations abl=ablative
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2 The most immediate puzzle of Quec
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4 the availability of slightly diff
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6 goal to the probe H. The detailed
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8 1.3 Background on Quechua This se
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10 1.3.2 Morphosyntax In this secti
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12 that complement clauses exhibit
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14 used is a combination of traditi
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16 tactically, it poses a challenge
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18 (2.4) DP ✟ ✟✟ ✟ ❍❍
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20 clause (specifically, she sugges
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22 2.2.3 Culy 1990 Culy [1990] prov
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24 To explain this phenomenon, Basi
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26 function g c assigns to the inde
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28 Since Quechua allows a great dea
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30 Table 2.1: Cuzco Quechua Quantif
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32 head. Furthermore, these sentenc
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34 basic syntactic analysis given h
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36 something about pisi which induc
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38 (2.41) LF head-raising in (2.40)
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40 (2.42) Kayne’s head-raising ap
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42 In general, other weak and stron
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44 as an example. This sentence is
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46 Note that the matrix clause dist
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48 some English consultants find th
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50 However, -nka may not appear on
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52 EHR sentence (2.61) is the stron
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Chapter 3 The Syntax of Head-Raisin
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56 Note that for a head-raising ana
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58 (3.7) Juan-pa wasi-n Juan-gen ho
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60 which show a subject internal he
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62 (3.26) [[Rumi stone riku-sqa-y]
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64 The tree in (3.30) shows the S-s
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66 Bianchi suggests that it is the
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68 This is the analysis given in [C
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70 (3.43) Mariya Maria Juan-ta Juan
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72 First (3.45) and (3.46) illustra
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74 (3.49) CP (3.47). TP ❍ ✟ ✟
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76 possibility is that the Case of
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78 sitions. The derivation of (3.51
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80 3.3.2.4 Why no -∅-marking in a
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82 the feature sets of each D are c
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84 (3.54) DP ✟ ❍❍ ✟ ✟✟
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86 Given the discussion thus far th
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88 (3.60) IP ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍
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90 reconstruction of the head (in t
Page 109 and 110: 92 (3.66) [[naranja orange ch’arw
Page 111 and 112: 94 (3.74) DP ✟ ❍❍ ✟ ✟✟
Page 113 and 114: 96 (3.80) *[[pro pro [[e] e Lima-pi
Page 115 and 116: 98 Despite the similarity in (3.83)
Page 117 and 118: 100 Consider their examples (3.90)
Page 119 and 120: 102 (3.95) *Santiyagu Santiago Xwan
Page 121 and 122: 104 analysis presented here also pr
Page 123 and 124: 106 Recall that Cuzco Quechua and I
Page 125 and 126: 108 The cognate nominalizers -sqa (
Page 127 and 128: 110 (4.7) [wayna-q boy-gen waka cow
Page 129 and 130: 112 Furthermore, like CQ, IQ allows
Page 131 and 132: 114 of possessor-noun agreement. Th
Page 133 and 134: 116 (4.18) CP ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍ ❍
Page 135 and 136: 118 (merged with n or v) to n or v
Page 137 and 138: 120 and in the pattern of Case-mark
Page 139 and 140: 122 4.4.1.4 Overt Case marking on a
Page 141 and 142: 124 4.4.3 How the analysis explains
Page 143 and 144: 126 Examples (4.32) to (4.39) show
Page 145 and 146: 128 (4.40) *[[Marya Maria [warmi wo
Page 147 and 148: 130 of (4.38) and (4.39). On the ot
Page 149 and 150: 132 allowing an external interpreta
Page 151 and 152: 134 4.5.3.1 Distribution of pro Sin
Page 153 and 154: 136 (4.66) [[[e] Mishki-ta candy-ac
Page 155 and 156: 138 Positive evidence that the exte
Page 157 and 158: 140 For example, in a context which
Page 159: 142 (4.83) DP ❍ ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍
Page 163 and 164: 146 (4.93) [ñuka I wasi-*(pi) hous
Page 165 and 166: 148 (4.97) Empty external head posi
Page 167 and 168: Chapter 5 Existential and Possessiv
Page 169 and 170: 5.2 The basic facts of Cuzco Quechu
Page 171 and 172: 154 (5.9) Maria-q llama-n-kuna Mari
Page 173 and 174: 156 position, or is kay more like E
Page 175 and 176: 158 5.3.1 Quechua adverbial evidenc
Page 177 and 178: 160 is agreeing in some default way
Page 179 and 180: 162 5.3.2 Relative clause morpholog
Page 181 and 182: 164 (5.37) Llaqta-y-pi ka-q/*ka-sqa
Page 183 and 184: 166 5.3.3 The syntax of CQ existent
Page 185 and 186: 168 (5.44) Initial view of the stru
Page 187 and 188: 170 Adoption of the partitive Case
Page 189 and 190: 172 In the following sections I wil
Page 191 and 192: 174 According to Freeze, there is n
Page 193 and 194: 176 (5.62) Mari-nak mari-dat van-na
Page 195 and 196: 178 I will argue that the overt pre
Page 197 and 198: 180 Although differing in some deta
Page 199 and 200: 182 are typically either full DPs o
Page 201 and 202: 184 (5.82) Nuqa I [Gabriela-q Gabri
Page 203 and 204: 186 of the preposition into the exi
Page 205 and 206: 188 marking and with overt possesso
Page 207 and 208: 190 (5.93) Pilar-pa mihuna wasi-n k
Page 209 and 210: 192 (5.100) [[[Waka-q cow-gen uña-
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Chapter 6 The Semantics of Disconti
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196 appear separated from the noun.
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198 The phenomenon I am considering
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200 Other quantifiers that appear D
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202 be associated to any element wi
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204 sample analysis for an instance
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206 6.3.2 Semantic effects of co-Ca
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208 (6.32) (a) [Ana-q pisi llama-n]
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210 Sánchez [1996] suggests that w
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212 Also striking in this regard ar
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214 configuration of a discontinuou
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216 from encoding definite DPs. In
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218 wasi ‘house’ can be extract
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220 the analysis I have outlined he
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222 in adjunct positions at all, an
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224 (6.59) Sapa 2 /*llapan/*tukuy [
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226 tants, but the intervening suff
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228 Without the intermediary level,
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230 Bittner, M. and K. Hale. 1995.
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232 Hastings, R. 2001. The interpre
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234 Muysken, P. 1989. Predication c
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