the syntax and semantics of relativization and quantification

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213 the question of whether the Modifier is in a DP-internal position ([Spec,DP]) or a position immediately dominating the DP. (6.41) VP ✟ ✟✟ ❍ ❍ ❍ V ✟ ✟✟ ❍ ❍ ❍ Mod-ta DP ✟ ✟❍ ❍ D NP ✟ ✟❍ ❍ Noun-ta This structure is based on the notion that an external modifier is interpreted externally to the noun phrase. I claim that it captures not only the empirical fact that the modifier appears outside of the noun phrase at surface structure, but also the indefiniteness effect described in Section 3. In the next sections I show how this structure correctly predicts the interpretations noted for discontinuous noun phrases containing adjectives, weak quantifiers and strong quantifiers. I then return to some syntactic issues in this analysis. 6.4.2 LF structures 6.4.2.1 Adjectives I assume that adjectives are modifiers of type . When an adjective appears outside of the head responsible for definiteness, the resulting interpretation of course depends on the type of the sister to the adjective. Consider first the case of an indefinite DP. I represent the indefiniteness by a [-definite] feature on the head D (though a reasonable alternative would be to assume that no D is present at all in this case, and we have simply a bare NP). I assume that an indefinite DP is also of type (and presumably can be eventually subject to existential closure). Thus I represent the indefinite D head as semantically vacuous. The interpretive
214 configuration of a discontinuous noun phrase of this sort is shown in (6.42(a)). In (6.42(b)) I show the disallowed structure in which the adjective modifies a definite DP. Intuitively, the problem here is that the adjective cannot further modify a constituent of type e. This is expressed formally by the fact that the result of such a combination could only be of type t, and hence this constituent could not function as the (nominal) direct object of the verb (‘see’). (6.42) (a) VP ❍ ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍ ❍ ❍ V ✟ ❍❍ ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍ ❍ ❍ hatun-ta tall-acc ✟ ✟✟ D(indef) DP ❍ (b) * VP ✟ ❍ ✟ ✟✟ ❍ ❍ ❍ V ❍ ❍ NP wasi-ta house-acc ‘(I saw) a big house.’ (from (6.30)) ❍ ✟ ✟✟✟✟ ❍ ❍ ❍ DP e ✟ ✟✟ ✟ ❍❍ D(def) hatun-ta tall-acc ❍ ❍ NP wasi-ta house-acc * ‘(I saw) the big house.’ 6.4.2.2 Weak quantifiers We now turn to the case of weak quantifiers, which behave similarly to the adjectives but in fact allow more structural options due to what I take to be their more flexible types. Again I start with the case in which the determiner is indefinite, and consider the structure in (6.43(a)) in which the weak quantifier is interpreted outside of the definiteness head.
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THE SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF RELATIV
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THE SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF RELATIV
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Biographical Sketch Rachel Hastings
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Acknowledgements When I entered the
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through valuable courses and commen
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I have also been the beneficiary of
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Table of Contents 1 Introduction 1
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5 Existential and Possessive Senten
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List of Abbreviations abl=ablative
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2 The most immediate puzzle of Quec
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4 the availability of slightly diff
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6 goal to the probe H. The detailed
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8 1.3 Background on Quechua This se
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10 1.3.2 Morphosyntax In this secti
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12 that complement clauses exhibit
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14 used is a combination of traditi
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16 tactically, it poses a challenge
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18 (2.4) DP ✟ ✟✟ ✟ ❍❍
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20 clause (specifically, she sugges
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22 2.2.3 Culy 1990 Culy [1990] prov
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24 To explain this phenomenon, Basi
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26 function g c assigns to the inde
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28 Since Quechua allows a great dea
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30 Table 2.1: Cuzco Quechua Quantif
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32 head. Furthermore, these sentenc
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34 basic syntactic analysis given h
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36 something about pisi which induc
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38 (2.41) LF head-raising in (2.40)
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40 (2.42) Kayne’s head-raising ap
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42 In general, other weak and stron
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44 as an example. This sentence is
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46 Note that the matrix clause dist
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48 some English consultants find th
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50 However, -nka may not appear on
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52 EHR sentence (2.61) is the stron
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Chapter 3 The Syntax of Head-Raisin
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56 Note that for a head-raising ana
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58 (3.7) Juan-pa wasi-n Juan-gen ho
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60 which show a subject internal he
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62 (3.26) [[Rumi stone riku-sqa-y]
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64 The tree in (3.30) shows the S-s
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66 Bianchi suggests that it is the
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68 This is the analysis given in [C
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70 (3.43) Mariya Maria Juan-ta Juan
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72 First (3.45) and (3.46) illustra
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74 (3.49) CP (3.47). TP ❍ ✟ ✟
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76 possibility is that the Case of
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78 sitions. The derivation of (3.51
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80 3.3.2.4 Why no -∅-marking in a
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82 the feature sets of each D are c
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84 (3.54) DP ✟ ❍❍ ✟ ✟✟
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86 Given the discussion thus far th
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88 (3.60) IP ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍
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90 reconstruction of the head (in t
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92 (3.66) [[naranja orange ch’arw
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94 (3.74) DP ✟ ❍❍ ✟ ✟✟
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96 (3.80) *[[pro pro [[e] e Lima-pi
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98 Despite the similarity in (3.83)
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100 Consider their examples (3.90)
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102 (3.95) *Santiyagu Santiago Xwan
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104 analysis presented here also pr
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106 Recall that Cuzco Quechua and I
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108 The cognate nominalizers -sqa (
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110 (4.7) [wayna-q boy-gen waka cow
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112 Furthermore, like CQ, IQ allows
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114 of possessor-noun agreement. Th
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116 (4.18) CP ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍ ❍
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118 (merged with n or v) to n or v
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120 and in the pattern of Case-mark
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122 4.4.1.4 Overt Case marking on a
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124 4.4.3 How the analysis explains
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126 Examples (4.32) to (4.39) show
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128 (4.40) *[[Marya Maria [warmi wo
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130 of (4.38) and (4.39). On the ot
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132 allowing an external interpreta
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134 4.5.3.1 Distribution of pro Sin
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136 (4.66) [[[e] Mishki-ta candy-ac
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138 Positive evidence that the exte
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140 For example, in a context which
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142 (4.83) DP ❍ ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍
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144 (4.85) and (4.86) are examples
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146 (4.93) [ñuka I wasi-*(pi) hous
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148 (4.97) Empty external head posi
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Chapter 5 Existential and Possessiv
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5.2 The basic facts of Cuzco Quechu
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154 (5.9) Maria-q llama-n-kuna Mari
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156 position, or is kay more like E
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158 5.3.1 Quechua adverbial evidenc
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160 is agreeing in some default way
Page 179 and 180: 162 5.3.2 Relative clause morpholog
Page 181 and 182: 164 (5.37) Llaqta-y-pi ka-q/*ka-sqa
Page 183 and 184: 166 5.3.3 The syntax of CQ existent
Page 185 and 186: 168 (5.44) Initial view of the stru
Page 187 and 188: 170 Adoption of the partitive Case
Page 189 and 190: 172 In the following sections I wil
Page 191 and 192: 174 According to Freeze, there is n
Page 193 and 194: 176 (5.62) Mari-nak mari-dat van-na
Page 195 and 196: 178 I will argue that the overt pre
Page 197 and 198: 180 Although differing in some deta
Page 199 and 200: 182 are typically either full DPs o
Page 201 and 202: 184 (5.82) Nuqa I [Gabriela-q Gabri
Page 203 and 204: 186 of the preposition into the exi
Page 205 and 206: 188 marking and with overt possesso
Page 207 and 208: 190 (5.93) Pilar-pa mihuna wasi-n k
Page 209 and 210: 192 (5.100) [[[Waka-q cow-gen uña-
Page 211 and 212: Chapter 6 The Semantics of Disconti
Page 213 and 214: 196 appear separated from the noun.
Page 215 and 216: 198 The phenomenon I am considering
Page 217 and 218: 200 Other quantifiers that appear D
Page 219 and 220: 202 be associated to any element wi
Page 221 and 222: 204 sample analysis for an instance
Page 223 and 224: 206 6.3.2 Semantic effects of co-Ca
Page 225 and 226: 208 (6.32) (a) [Ana-q pisi llama-n]
Page 227 and 228: 210 Sánchez [1996] suggests that w
Page 229: 212 Also striking in this regard ar
Page 233 and 234: 216 from encoding definite DPs. In
Page 235 and 236: 218 wasi ‘house’ can be extract
Page 237 and 238: 220 the analysis I have outlined he
Page 239 and 240: 222 in adjunct positions at all, an
Page 241 and 242: 224 (6.59) Sapa 2 /*llapan/*tukuy [
Page 243 and 244: 226 tants, but the intervening suff
Page 245 and 246: 228 Without the intermediary level,
Page 247 and 248: 230 Bittner, M. and K. Hale. 1995.
Page 249 and 250: 232 Hastings, R. 2001. The interpre
Page 251 and 252: 234 Muysken, P. 1989. Predication c
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